Russia seized boats, harassed volunteers, concealed gravesites ― Kakhovka Dam explosion investigation
Russian-controlled forces in Kherson Oblast have deliberately made it harder for civilians to evacuate the flood zone following the Russian destruction of the Kakhovka Dam in June 2023.
According to an investigation by the Kyiv Independent, the Russian military interfered with the work of locals who were evacuating people from the flooded areas on their own — their boats were confiscated, while the volunteers were threatened and forced to stop the efforts.
In turn, the local rescue services, working under occupation, did not have enough resources for the evacuation, while the occupation authorities deliberately concealed the magnitude of the disaster.
As a result of these actions, civilians on the occupied east bank of Kherson Oblast that could have been rescued have died.
The Kyiv Independent's War Crimes Investigation Unit recorded fifty testimonies from eyewitnesses, relatives of eyewitnesses, and volunteers who stayed in the occupied territories during the flooding following the Kakhovka Dam explosion and were involved in rescuing people.
Read also: As 'negotiations' weigh Ukraine's land, the lives lost under Russian occupation are forgotten
The testimonies laid the basis for the Kyiv Independent's investigative documentary, When the Water Screams, which premiered on Feb. 27.
Following the explosion, the water from the Kakhovka Reservoir began to flood settlements located downstream. On the Ukrainian-controlled part of Kherson Oblast, an immediate evacuation took place, including from the regional capital of Kherson, which saw several neighborhoods being flooded.
The Russian-occupied eastern bank of the Dnipro River, however, had been hit the hardest.
The witnesses told the Kyiv Independent that they didn't hear announcements about an evacuation. Boats carrying rescuers from the Russian-controlled emergency services did not appear until several days after the explosion.
The evacuation of civilians fell on the shoulders of the locals, who organized and coordinated the rescue themselves, in particular, via a Telegram chat. Yet, Russian soldiers did not allow volunteers to enter all the flooded areas, and confiscated their boats under threat of punishment. The Kyiv Independent identified a man from the east bank involved in the rescue operation, who went missing.
Volodymyr Saldo, the Russian-installed head of the occupied part of Kherson Oblast, put Andrey Alekseenko, the so-called head of the government of the occupied eastern bank, in charge of the emergency response. Alekseenko is the former mayor of Krasnodar, a Russian city.
At the time of the explosion, the local rescue service was headed by Ivan Pavlienko — a Russian Major General.
Pavlienko, who had vast experience in dealing with emergency situations in Russia, was in charge of the utility services set to deal with the flooding.
However, the resources Russia allocated to combat the disaster were inadequate.
In Russia's Ivanovo Oblast, which is almost the same size as the occupied part of Ukraine's Kherson Oblast, there were eight times more personnel and 18 times more "special equipment."
A year after the Kakhovka Dam explosion, Russian-controlled official Saldo reported that over 60 people died due to the flooding.
According to eyewitnesses and volunteers involved in the evacuation, hundreds of people may have died on the occupied eastern bank of Kherson Oblast, and the authorities attempted to conceal the extent of civilian casualties.
When the waters rose, doctors at the Oleshky Polyclinic managed to issue six death certificates, after which they were forbidden from issuing such documents. The bodies of the dead were then taken away.
The Kyiv Independent recorded five cases in which the relatives of the victims were not informed about the fate of their deceased, and their burial place remains unknown.
Read also: Deer and boar could roam forests in the Kakhovka reservoir in 5 years, head of national reserve says
We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
28 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Deadly Russian attack hits eastern Ukrainian city of Kharkiv
Russian attacks targeting the eastern Ukrainian city of Kharkiv have killed at least four people and wounded more than two dozen others, officials said. The first wave on Ukraine's second-largest city was a large Russian drone-and-missile attack in the early hours. It killed at least three people and wounded 21 others, according to local officials. I received a report from our team on their visit and meetings in the United States. Defense support for Ukraine, sanctions against Russia, diplomatic prospects, as well as the defense of freedom and countering Russian disinformation. We gave our partners a detailed overview of… — Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) June 6, 2025 In the afternoon, Russia dropped aerial bombs on the city centre, killing at least one person and wounding five more, Kharkiv's mayor said. The warring sides also accused each other of trying to sabotage a planned prisoner exchange, nearly a week after Kyiv embarrassed the Kremlin with a surprise drone attack on military airfields deep inside Russia. Saturday's barrage – the latest in near daily widescale attacks on Ukraine – included aerial glide bombs that have become part of a fierce Russian onslaught in the all-out war, which began on February 24 2022. Ukraine's air force said that Russia struck with 215 missiles and drones overnight, and Ukrainian air defences shot down 87 drones and seven missiles. Several other areas in Ukraine were also hit, including the regions of Donetsk, Dnipropetrovsk, Odesa, and the city of Ternopil, Ukrainian foreign minister Andrii Sybiha said in an X post. 'To put an end to Russia's killing and destruction, more pressure on Moscow is required, as are more steps to strengthen Ukraine,' he said. The Russian defence ministry said its forces carried out a night-time strike on Ukrainian military targets, including ammunition depots, drone assembly workshops, and weaponry repair stations. There was no comment from Moscow on the reports of casualties in Kharkiv. Kharkiv's mayor, Ihor Terekhov, said that the strikes also damaged 18 apartment buildings and 13 private homes. Mr Terekhov said that it was 'the most powerful attack' on the city since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion. Kharkiv's regional governor, Oleh Syniehubov, said the morning's attacks saw two districts in the city struck with three missiles, five aerial glide bombs and 48 drones. Among the wounded were two children, a baby boy and a 14-year-old girl, he added. Six people are believed to be trapped under the rubble of an industrial facility in Kharkiv's Kyiv district, The Kharkiv prosecutor's office said in a statement on Telegram. Contact with those trapped was lost and rescue attempts have been ongoing since early afternoon, it said, without naming the facility. On Saturday afternoon, Russian aerial bombs struck Kharkiv again, killing at least one person and wounding five others, the mayor said. Today, rescue and emergency operations continued all day across various regions and cities of our country. Over 400 drones, more than 40 missiles were launched by the Russians. 80 people were injured, and some may still be under the debris. And unfortunately, not everyone in the… — Volodymyr Zelenskyy / Володимир Зеленський (@ZelenskyyUa) June 6, 2025 The morning strikes also wounded two people in the Dnipropetrovsk province further south, according to local governor Serhii Lysak. Meanwhile, Russia's defence ministry said that its forces shot down 36 Ukrainian drones overnight, over the country's south and west, including near the capital. Drone debris wounded two civilians in the suburbs of Moscow, governor Andrei Vorobyov reported. A US-led diplomatic push for a settlement has brought two rounds of direct peace talks between delegations from Russia and Ukraine, though the negotiations delivered no significant breakthroughs. But both sides remain far apart on their terms for an end to the fighting.
Yahoo
39 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Wondering where to start with Dostoevsky? Try his Ukrainian contemporaries instead
Since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, a growing debate has emerged over the cultural and political legacy of Russian literature — particularly the global reverence for classic Russian authors, which critics argue has long served to promote the imperial narratives embedded in their work. As Ukrainian author Oksana Zabuzhko wrote in the Times Literary Supplement in 2022, their works of literature are 'the camouflage net' for Russian tanks in Ukraine. Among the most famous classic Russian authors is 19th-century Russian author Fyodor Dostoevsky (1821–1881). More than a century after his death, Dostoevsky remains a dominant figure in the world literary canon, his name recognized even by those who have never read his work. This April, Penguin Books reissued an English-language edition of his short story 'The Dream of a Ridiculous Man,' while his novella 'White Nights' continues to enjoy popularity among online literary communities. Defenders of Dostoevsky maintain that his writing transcends politics, focusing on existential and psychological themes. They argue that interpreting his work through a nationalist or imperialist lens oversimplifies the complexity of his ideas. But many scholars and commentators point to Dostoevsky's spiritual vision of Russia's destiny — a vision that portrays the country as a moral, unifying force against a 'decaying' West that was, at the time, heading toward the Gilded Age. They draw parallels between this worldview and that of contemporary Russian ideologues like Alexander Dugin, who frame Russian aggression in near-religious terms. As the war continues, it remains to be seen whether Russia's literary past can be disentangled from its politics. Rather than calling for a boycott of Russian authors, the Kyiv Independent wants to raise a more illuminating question: Why do so few English-language readers know the Ukrainian authors who were the contemporaries of Dostoevsky? The lack of global recognition for Ukraine's classic writers is not coincidental. It reflects a legacy of imperial domination, during which the Russian Empire frequently suppressed the Ukrainian language and culture, the same empire that Dostoevsky often praised in his writings. Some of the most influential voices in the history of Ukrainian literature were active during the same period as Dostoevsky. Others who came just before him, like Mykola Gogol, are known worldwide but have long been misclassified as 'Russian.' Literary figures such as Lesia Ukrainka and Ivan Franko, who came to the literary scene just after Dostoevsky's time, are now reemerging in English translation — their essential works poised to resonate with a global audience, just as they once did across the European intellectual landscape. Although there is no evidence that Dostoevsky knew his Ukrainian contemporaries, they did interact with some other famous Russian authors. Below is a brief overview of three Ukrainian authors of the 19th century and the themes that shaped their work. The purpose of this list is not to outright dismiss Russian literature, but rather to remind people of the selective nature of the global literary canon, and to draw attention to the Ukrainian voices that have long been overlooked or marginalized. Born a serf, Ukrainian national icon Taras Shevchenko gained his freedom thanks to his artistic talent. But liberation did not end his struggle — instead, it sharpened his focus on the plight of his people under Russian imperial rule. A pioneer of ethnographic art and literature, Shevchenko used both pen and brush to document the everyday lives of Ukrainians, casting a critical eye on their subjugation and the erasure of their culture. Published in 1840, 'Kobzar' is widely regarded as Taras Shevchenko's defining work. The collection takes its name from traditional Ukrainian musicians who sang of Cossack heroism while playing the kobza, a stringed instrument. The poems reflect on the cultural and political struggles of Ukraine under Russian rule. In 'To Kvitka-Osnovianenko,' Shevchenko pays tribute to the writer Hryhorii Kvitka-Osnovianenko, an early advocate of Ukrainian as a literary language, and mourns the destruction of the Zaporizhzhian Sich, the Cossacks' last stronghold, in the 18th century. Another poem, 'Kateryna,' tells the story of a young Ukrainian woman seduced and abandoned by a Russian imperial soldier, highlighting the personal toll of imperial domination. Shevchenko was deeply influenced by ideas of national identity, language, and self-determination — views that drew the ire of the tsarist authorities. He was arrested in 1847 and exiled to military service in a remote part of Kazakhstan. According to historical accounts, Tsar Nicholas I reportedly ordered that Shevchenko be restricted from writing or painting. However, Shevchenko still managed to create art and later returned briefly to Ukraine before his death. Read also: Looking to read Ukraine-related books? We picked the best of 2024 Kulish's politics were somewhat complex, perhaps even contradictory to some. In his early years, he was affiliated with the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius, a short-lived secret political society that existed between 1845 and 1847. The group championed the federalization of the Russian Empire, a Ukrainian language and culture revival, and the abolition of serfdom, among other initiatives. Over time, however, Kulish's stance diverged from mainstream Ukrainian thought, particularly as he advocated for the preservation of a distinct Ukrainian culture while simultaneously supporting a political union with Russia. This position ultimately led to his marginalization in many Ukrainian intellectual circles, both in Russian-controlled Ukraine and the parts of Ukraine under the rule of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Despite this, Kulish continues to be respected and read by many Ukrainians today for his literary achievements. His novel 'The Black Council' (1857) is considered the first historical novel in Ukrainian literature. Set against the backdrop of the Ruin — the tumultuous period following the death of Cossack Hetman Bohdan Khmelnytskyi in 1657 — it delves into the power struggles that ensued. The novel draws inspiration from the Black Council of 1663, a pivotal gathering in Nizhyn in modern-day Chernihiv Oblast, where nobles and commoners alike converged to elect a new hetman for left-bank Ukraine. The novel not only captures the fierce internal conflicts among Cossack leaders but also explores the deep social rifts that defined one of Ukraine's most fractured and tragic eras. Excerpts of the novel have been translated online. However, a full publication of the book in English translation has yet to materialize. Among Ukraine's most talented female writers was Marko Vovchok, whose 'Folk Stories' was published in 1857, shortly after the ascension of Tsar Alexander II, initially seen as a reform-minded ruler compared to his father, Nicholas I. However, while the serfs were liberated under his rule in 1861, it could be argued that the liberal period of his rule, at least for Ukrainians, was short-lived: a decree in 1863 banned Ukrainian-language publications, followed by the stricter Ems Ukaz of 1876. Vovchok's collection gained even greater significance in this repressive climate. Focused on the suffering of Ukrainian peasants — especially women — under serfdom, the stories were informed by her early work assisting her husband's ethnographic research. She gathered material directly from villagers, preserving oral traditions. Russian writer Ivan Turgenev translated the stories into Russian, sparking additional debate in literary circles over the realities of serfdom. Shevchenko is said to have recommended her work to Turgenev, declaring her 'the most powerful in our language.' In the short story 'The Cossack Girl' from the collection, Olesia, a free woman, falls in love with a serf and chooses to marry him, ultimately sacrificing her freedom. Her family warns her that marrying a serf will disgrace their village and its Cossack heritage, even suggesting that she might as well 'drown herself.' Olesia insists that love is more important than social status. The marriage, however, proves disastrous, with Olesia, her husband, and their children enduring significant hardship. Under empire, happy endings are a rarity — if they exist at all. Hi, this is Kate Tsurkan, thank you for reading this article. Here at the Kyiv Independent, we don't put stories behind a paywall, because we believe the world needs to know the truth of Russia's war. To fund our reporting, we rely on our community of over 18,000 members from around the world, most of whom give just $5 a month. We're aiming to reach 20,000 soon — join our community and help us reach this goal. Read also: 10 authors shaping contemporary Ukrainian literature We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
Yahoo
39 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Ukraine rejects claims of delaying exchange of soldiers' bodies, calls out Russian disinformation
Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War has refuted Russian claims that Ukraine postponed a planned prisoner exchange and body repatriation, stating that a Russian propaganda video showing refrigerated units with bodies was filmed in Russia, not at the designated exchange site. Source: Andrii Yusov, Deputy Head of Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War, in a comment to Ukrainska Pravda Quote: "The video released by the enemy was filmed today in Russia, not at the exchange site. The video is overtly propagandistic and part of a deliberate disinformation campaign and PsyOp by Russian special services to discredit Ukraine and pressure the negotiating group ahead of the upcoming exchange and repatriation activities. Screenshot In fact, the timing for repatriation activities was agreed on Tuesday [3 June – ed.] with authorised representatives of the Russian Ministry of Defence and is scheduled to begin next week as planned. What is being presented today is merely another performance by enemy special services. Despite such overt provocations, preparations for the exchange continue, and we expect results in the near future." The Coordination Headquarters previously stated that Ukraine provided lists for the exchange, adhering to categories agreed in Istanbul: seriously wounded, seriously ill and young soldiers exchanged in an all-for-all format. However, Russia submitted lists that did not comply with these agreements. Ukraine has provided feedback and awaits Russia's next steps. Background: On 7 June 2025, Vladimir Medinsky, the head of the Russian negotiating group in Istanbul, claimed Ukraine had indefinitely postponed the prisoner exchange and body repatriation. He stated that 1,212 bodies had been delivered to the exchange site in refrigerated units and that a list of 640 Ukrainian prisoners of war, meeting the agreed categories, had been submitted. Russia accused Ukraine of unexpectedly delaying the exchange, alleging the Ukrainian delegation failed to arrive at the designated location. On 6 June 2025, Russia claimed that repatriation efforts had begun, later asserting that "Ukraine refused to retrieve the bodies of its citizens". Ukraine's Coordination Headquarters for the Treatment of Prisoners of War emphasised that Russia is manipulating a sensitive issue, adding that preparations for the exchange are ongoing. Support Ukrainska Pravda on Patreon!