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an hour ago
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Pompeo urges Trump not to legitimize Russia's land grabs in Ukraine
Former U.S. State Secretary Mike Pompeo warned against recognizing Russia's sovereignty over Crimea and other Ukrainian territories seized by force, calling it "a mistake of epic proportions" during remarks at the Black Sea Security Forum in Odesa on May 31. Pompeo acknowledged frustrations over the current front lines but cautioned against ceding Ukrainian land to Russia. "I get the frustration … I'm not naive about what's physically possible in this moment, but that doesn't mean one should go and say, 'and we are giving up for all time,'" he said, according to The Hill. "This is one of the things I hope to communicate." The remarks come as the Trump administration considers granting Russia de jure recognition over territories it occupies in Ukraine as part of ongoing ceasefire negotiations. Ukraine is under pressure to agree to a ceasefire without regaining all of its territory, but Kyiv is urging allies not to legitimize Russian control over occupied regions. "Crimea will stay with Russia. And (President Volodymyr) Zelensky understands that, and everybody understands that it's been with them for a long time," U.S. President Donald Trump said in interview with Time magazine on April 22. Trump has been pushing both sides for a peace deal to end the war at all costs, threatening to walk away if there is no progress made in the near future. Trump's recent messages suggest that he started growing impatient with Russia's President Vladimir Putin. On May 28, Trump said that the United States would soon find out whether Putin is genuinely interested in ending the war in Ukraine, cautioning that if Moscow is merely stalling, Washington would "respond a little bit differently." In Odesa, Pompeo reiterated his 2018 Crimea Declaration, issued during Trump's first term, in which the U.S. rejected Russia's claims to Ukrainian territory captured by force. While Trump has since distanced himself from Pompeo, the former secretary said he continues to make the case on Capitol Hill for maintaining the declaration. He named Senator Lindsey Graham, a vocal supporter of Ukraine, as one of the allies he spoke to during his visit to Ukraine. "There are many in my party, the Republican party, that have disappointed me deeply and have said things that are inconsistent with what I think are the deep American interests that we have here," Pompeo said. He added, "But I think they all also know, that, in the end, there's no walking away from this for the United States." Read also: Could Ukraine have stopped Russia's illegal annexation of Crimea in 2014? We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
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3 hours ago
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Western hesitation continues to undermine Ukraine
On May 28, President Volodymyr Zelensky visited Germany and met with the country's new Chancellor, Friedrich Merz. There were high expectations that Berlin would finally authorize the delivery of Taurus long-range missiles — a long-standing request from Kyiv since the beginning of the Russian invasion. However, this demand had been systematically rejected by former Chancellor Olaf Scholz, who feared dragging Germany into a direct confrontation with Moscow. Instead of Taurus missiles, Merz announced a new 5 billion euro aid package and a commitment that Germany would support the production of long-range weapons on Ukrainian territory. Although these systems are not as sophisticated as the Taurus — whose operation would require months of training — the models to be co-produced by Berlin and Kyiv have the advantage of being easier to use, which could accelerate their integration into the Ukrainian Armed Forces. While investing in Ukraine's defense industry is necessary — something President Zelensky himself has emphasized in urging allies to strengthen the country's defensive capabilities — the fact that he returned from Germany without a Taurus delivery promise reveals a deeper issue. These missiles represent not only a powerful symbolic gesture, demonstrating that the West is truly committed to Ukraine's defense, but also an immediate and tangible impact on the battlefield. As recently highlighted by the Kyiv Independent, the Taurus missile can be programmed to detonate only after penetrating multiple layers of protection, making it especially effective against strategic targets like the Crimean Bridge. Beyond being an important symbol for Russian President Vladimir Putin, that bridge is a crucial logistical link between mainland Russia and the occupied peninsula — a target of both symbolic and operational significance. The absence of the Taurus in this package highlights a familiar blind spot: many Western governments still underestimate how much timing matters. In a war, it's not just about how much support is given, but how quickly it comes. Delays in key decisions don't just slow progress — they quietly erode Ukraine's position on the ground. Has the West become so focused on the latest headlines, diplomatic theater, and talks in Istanbul that it has forgotten to reflect on its own recent history and the decisions made over the past three years? Read also: If Germany sends Taurus missiles to Ukraine, Russia has a major Crimean Bridge problem The truth is that the West sabotages itself by delaying the release of essential resources — a hesitation systematically exploited by Russia. That was the case with the F-16 fighter jets: the U.S. and European countries, initially fearful of escalation, delayed their delivery by more than a year — only relenting after intense Ukrainian pressure and decisive support from countries like the Netherlands and Denmark. The same pattern occurred with the Leopard 2 tanks, delivered only in early 2023; with the UK's Challenger 2 tanks, which arrived in March 2023; and with the U.S. M1 Abrams, delivered only in September that year — a year and a half after the invasion. Even Patriot air defense systems, vital for intercepting Russian missiles, faced initial resistance due to escalation fears and were only delivered in early 2023. Storm Shadow cruise missiles likewise only began arriving in May 2023. Given all this, the inevitable question is: why so much hesitation, if in the end they give in anyway? Russia, unlike its Western counterparts, has shown no hesitation when it comes to speed — whether in advancing troops or manipulating diplomacy. Every so-called negotiation is just another stalling tactic, with the Kremlin expertly layering new steps, new demands, and new distractions to stretch the clock. After the first Istanbul round, came the promise of a 'memorandum', only to be followed by yet another 'new phase.' It's a script they've used repeatedly: feign interest, pretend flexibility, and use the time gained to recalibrate offensives. U.S. President Donald Trump, for his part, appears to have started losing patience with Putin — but that frustration hasn't translated into any concrete action. Instead, he ends up playing straight into Moscow's hands, a convenient figure in a Kremlin-scripted performance designed to drain Western resolve and dress delay up as diplomacy. The race faced by Ukraine and its European allies is, above all, a race against time — and many still don't seem to realize it. For Europeans, this race involves rebuilding strategic autonomy in defense — a process that should have begun over a decade ago, with the annexation of Crimea. At the very latest, the alarm bells should have rung in 2017, when Trump, then president, openly threatened to pull the U.S. out of NATO and, on one occasion when asked about Russian election interference, said he trusted Putin over his own intelligence agencies. The signs were there, flashing red — but Europe chose to look away. Now, the cost of that complacency is becoming impossible to ignore. For Ukrainians, this race against time is even more literal: every day counts, and every delay can mean a new Russian offensive. At this very moment, Russia is mobilizing around 50,000 troops near the border with Sumy — potentially signaling not just an attempt to create the 'buffer zone' Putin has demanded, but preparations for a new large-scale military advance. None of this is to downplay the support Europe has already provided — it's been essential. But that doesn't mean it's been enough, or delivered with the urgency the moment demands. While Putin takes advantage of U.S. ambiguity, Europe often falls into the trap of responding with long-term commitments that, although important, have little immediate effect on the battlefield. Trump, despite his recent tough rhetoric, continues to offer Moscow concessions before they're even requested. In February 2025, he stated, 'I'd love to have them back. I think it was a mistake to throw them out,' referring to Russia's expulsion from the G8 after the annexation of Crimea. It's exactly the kind of signal that undermines Western unity and hands the Kremlin an unearned diplomatic win — no pressure needed. Meanwhile, Europe's delayed promises may look good on paper, but they don't change the reality on the ground, where time and resolve are the most decisive weapons. Gestures like promising Ukraine EU membership by 2030 are certainly meaningful. They send the right message — that Ukraine belongs in the European family and that a future of integration and reconstruction lies ahead. But these are not messages that deter the Kremlin. Because 2030 is five years away — and in a war where every month can redraw the front lines, that's a long time. Ukraine has stunned the world with its resilience, determination, and ability to adapt under extraordinary pressure. But even under U.S. President Joe Biden — a president who, despite his caution and delays, remained firmly committed to Kyiv — 20% of Ukraine's territory remains under illegal Russian occupation. The question now is: what will Ukraine's map look like in five years? Europe, out of fear of escalation, has too often treated Ukraine as a burden. But the truth is that Ukraine should be seen as an opportunity — for integration, for strengthening collective security, and for renewing the European project. Its Armed Forces, forged in the most demanding conditions, have accumulated real combat experience, developed homegrown technologies, created new drone models, and demonstrated a level of adaptability that many European militaries lack. More than that: Ukraine has kept its institutions functioning and its government operating under the pressure of war — something most European countries would struggle to do. Read also: Russia 'testing' Europe's capacity to help Ukraine by intensifying air attacks Ukraine is not just a country in need of help; it's a partner with valuable capabilities to offer. Europe must also understand that not every show of strength leads to escalation. The recent use of the Russian Oreshnik missile against Ukrainian territory — following the U.S. decision in November 2024, under Biden, to authorize Ukraine's use of ATACMS inside Russia — was a calculated, demonstrative move, not the start of a broader escalation. In contrast, the unprecedented attacks on Kyiv and other regions in recent days were deliberate Russian actions that didn't follow any 'Ukrainian provocation.' They were likely triggered by something else entirely: the West's visible hesitation to act more decisively. When deterrence is delayed or watered down, it doesn't prevent escalation — it invites it. The message Moscow will understand is not the one about promises for 2030 — but the one about deliveries tomorrow. Submit an Opinion Editor's Note: The opinions expressed in the op-ed section are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the Kyiv Independent. We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. 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6 hours ago
- General
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As 50,000 Russian troops amass, Ukraine's Sumy Oblast braces for potential large-scale offensive
Reports of an imminent Russian summer offensive and troop build ups on Ukraine's border are raising alarms in Sumy Oblast and fears that a large-scale assault could be on the horizon. Russian President Vladimir Putin on May 22 said he had ordered his military to create a "security buffer zone" along the border, and President Volodymyr Zelensky later claimed 50,000 of Moscow's troops were amassed "in the direction of Sumy." "These are trained combat units — airborne troops, marines, those that were specially transferred to displace our troops," a source in Ukraine's defense forces told the Kyiv Independent. Russian forces have already launched limited offensive operations and captured a small number of villages in the oblast, but soldiers and experts who spoke to the Kyiv Independent say the Kremlin's full intentions remain murky. Adding to the information fog, journalists' access to Sumy Oblast has been limited by the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) since the withdrawal from Kursk Oblast, and the Ukrainian military has shared little information on the front-line situation. When contacted by the Kyiv Independent, the Ukrainian military command of Kursk Oblast declined to comment, citing a "limited" ability to comment on the situation in the area. The warning of a renewed Russian push into Sumy Oblast comes two months after Ukrainian troops had to withdraw from Russia's adjacent Kursk Oblast after losing the logistics hub town of Sudzha. As soon as Ukraine's costly Kursk operation died out, Russian troops took the momentum and began raids into Sumy Oblast, depriving Kyiv of the opportunity to recover and rebuild the defenses there. Meanwhile, U.S. President Donald Trump continues to push for peace talks to end the war at all costs, with Ukraine and Russia planning to meet again in Istanbul on June 2 despite previous talks yielding minimal results. Uncertain of what might lay ahead, Ukrainian soldiers on the ground are bracing for tougher days. With many units exhausted after seven months of holding onto the Kursk salient under heavy Russian first-person view (FPV) drones and glide bombs, Kyiv's ability to hold the Sumy Oblast defense would depend on how it can reinforce the area despite a manpower shortage. Ukrainian local authorities admitted on May 26 that Russia has already captured four border villages in Sumy Oblast, including Novenke, Zhuravka, Veselivka, and Basivka. Russian troops were deploying the now-familiar tactics of using small assault groups, relying on "fast movement" with quad bikes, according to a deputy company commander with the 80th Air Assault Brigade, who goes by his callsign Third. "Only time will tell (how prepared Ukraine is)," he told the Kyiv Independent. Russia is conducting small assaults most actively in the areas of the Zhuravka and Basivka villages, but it has also widened "the attempt zone" using similar tactics, according to the State Border Guard Service spokesperson Andriy Demchenko. Russian forces have also begun pushing westward, near the villages of Veselivka and Volodymyrivka, but are reportedly suffering heavy losses. "Despite the fact that the enemy is suffering losses, we see that they openly do not give a damn about their soldiers," Demchenko told the Kyiv Independent. The scale at which Russia plans to advance into Sumy Oblast is unclear. So far, it has been a gradual push over the past few weeks, slowly capturing the border villages, according to Emil Kastehelmi, an analyst at the Finland-based Black Bird Group monitoring the war closely through open sources. He expected it to continue in the near future. Demchenko from the State Border Guard confirmed to the Kyiv Independent on May 20 that Russia was bringing more equipment into the border area. He said that attacks remained small incursions with squads of infantry using equipment no larger than quad bikes. It is unclear how much equipment Moscow amassed near Sumy Oblast. A civilian evacuation in Sumy Oblast — a region that has been regularly struck by Russian attacks since 2022 but intensified since the Kursk incursion — is ongoing. Nearly 56,000 residents were evacuated from Sumy Oblast under mandatory evacuation orders, Governor Oleh Hryhorov said on May 19. As of May 20, a representative for the Regional Military Administration said that three municipalities — Bilopillya, Vorozhba, and Nova Sloboda — had been asked to evacuate in the preceding month, but said authorities were not yet forcing residents to evacuate. "As for what's happening on the border itself, only soldiers can answer, but as of today, there's no threat to the oblast from there," they told the Kyiv Independent. While Russian forces will likely continue their "slow kind of offensive operation" in the northern border areas of Sumy Oblast, the eastern region of Donbas will likely remain Moscow's priority, according to Kastehelmi from the Black Bird Group. He said he would be "surprised" if Sumy Oblast became one of the main axes of any Russian summer offensive, given that it would further stretch Moscow's troops and it could likely achieve more on other fronts, such as the Donbas or the southeastern Zaporizhzhia Oblast. "It's likely that the Russians continue to attack in Sumy (Oblast) too, but I would assess it as a secondary direction where they can tie up Ukrainian resources," he said. Border areas are usually difficult to fortify due to raids from both sides and their proximity to Russia, which makes engineering equipment particularly vulnerable to potential attacks. Kastehelmi said that while Russia appears to have captured more villages than the Ukrainian local authorities had confirmed, the pace has been "really slow," and Moscow could simply be trying to prevent another potential Ukrainian incursion. "They may try to gain more ground there (in Sumy Oblast), maybe capture a few more villages, but it doesn't really change the general situation if the Russians control just a small sector," Kastehelmi said. The Deputy Company Commander from the 80th brigade, Third, said that the situation near the border was "more or less normal (and) controlled," and Sumy continued to "live its life to the fullest" despite the nightly drone attacks. But the high number of Russian troops deployed near Sumy Oblast still has Ukrainian soldiers on the ground on their toes. Illia, a serviceman from the 80th brigade, said in mid-May that he was not sure whether there would be an offensive into Sumy Oblast, but expected the assaults to continue. "There could be an offensive — there could not be as well," he told the Kyiv Independent. The source in Ukraine's defense forces told the Kyiv Independent that Russia's full intentions will depend on whether or not it manages to secure the so-called "security buffer zone" ordered by Putin. "It is clear to us that if they manage to do this, they will go further," they said. "Because Russia's overall goal has not changed — to occupy all of Ukraine." Read also: The Hungary-Ukraine spy scandal and Russia's possible role, explained We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
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12 hours ago
- General
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General Staff: Russia has lost 987,330 troops in Ukraine since Feb. 24, 2022
Russia has lost around 987,330 troops in Ukraine since the beginning of its full-scale invasion on Feb. 24, 2022, the General Staff of Ukraine's Armed Forces reported on May 31. The number includes 1,250 casualties Russian forces suffered just over the past day. According to the report, Russia has also lost 10,867 tanks, 22,652 armored fighting vehicles, 50,198 vehicles and fuel tanks, 28,475 artillery systems, 1,400 multiple launch rocket systems, 1,173 air defense systems, 372 airplanes, 336 helicopters, 38,215 drones, 28 ships and boats, and one submarine. Read also: Trump 'very surprised, disappointed' at Russian attacks on Ukraine amid peace talks We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
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14 hours ago
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1 child killed, 1 injured in Russian missile attack on Zaporizhzhia Oblast
Editor's note: This is a developing story and is being updated. One child was killed and another was injured in a Russian missile attack on Zaporizhzhia Oblast overnight on May 31. A 9-year-old girl was killed and a 16-year-old was injured in the Polohivskyi district of Zaporizhzhia Oblast as a result of a Russian missile attack, Governor Ivan Fedorov said in a post to Telegram. "One house was destroyed. Several other houses, cars, and outbuildings were damaged by the blast wave," he added. The attack occurred in the frontline village of Dolynka in the Polohivskyi district, Fedorov said. Russia has regularly targeted civilian infrastructure in aerial attacks against Ukraine since the start of its full-scale war in February 2022. Moscow has intensified drone and missile attacks against Ukraine despite peace talks between Kyiv and Moscow in Istanbul on May 16. The talks in Turkey were largely inconclusive. Russia reiterated maximalist demands that Ukraine hand over Crimea and eastern oblasts. The two sides were able to agree to a 1,000-for-1,000 prisoner exchange, which was carried out between May 23 and 25. Russian President Vladimir Putin refused President Volodymyr Zelensky's invitation to meet face-to-face in Istanbul. Instead, Russia sent a delegation of lower-level officials led by Putin's aide, Vladimir Medinsky. Russia has refused a ceasefire and instead insisted it would provide Ukraine with a peace memorandum shortly after the May 16 talks. Ukraine and Russia are slated to hold another round of peace talks on June 2. Meanwhile, Kyiv is still awaiting Russia's proposed ceasefire memorandum, Ukrainian Defense Minister Rustem Umerov said on May 28. Read also: Ukraine war latest: Ukraine attacks elite Russian unit base nearly 7,000km away in Vladivostok, source claims We've been working hard to bring you independent, locally-sourced news from Ukraine. Consider supporting the Kyiv Independent.
