logo
How did Hitler's film-maker hide her complicity from the world?

How did Hitler's film-maker hide her complicity from the world?

The Guardian27-04-2025

Leni Riefenstahl had several successes at the Venice film festival. In 1932, the festival's inaugural year, the German film-maker's mystical mountain drama The Blue Light made the official selection. In 1934, she picked up a gold medal for Triumph of the Will, her chronicle of the Nazi party congress in Nuremberg. In 1938, 10 weeks before Kristallnacht, she won best foreign film with Olympia, a two-part documentary of the summer Olympics in Berlin that was commissioned and financed by the Nazi government, overseen by the Reich ministry of propaganda and enlightenment, and released on Adolf Hitler's birthday.
After the war, and until the day she died, aged 101, in 2003, Riefenstahl insisted that her films were only ever about award-winning art. Through the postwar decades, and over the course of four denazification proceedings, the film-maker presented herself as an apolitical aesthete. She had no interest in 'real-world issues'. She was motivated only by beauty, creative opportunity and the perfection of her craft. Although she never disavowed her personal fascination with Hitler, she vehemently denied complicity with the atrocities of the Nazi regime. Olympia and Triumph of the Will were in no way tendentious, she told Cahiers du Cinéma in 1965. They were 'history – pure history'.
Last August, the film-maker made a return of sorts to Venice, but this time as the subject of Andres Veiel's Riefenstahl, a new documentary that reveals just how doctored history could be in her hands. Made with exclusive access to her private estate, the film explores how Riefenstahl's great talent for staging and image-making extended not only to a cinematic glorification of nazism, but also to a personal exculpation campaign so persuasive that Mick Jagger, Madonna and Quentin Tarantino all gladly endorsed Riefenstahl's art.
Alongside his producer, the journalist Sandra Maischberger, Veiel was galvanised by the possibility that the material Riefenstahl left for posterity might disclose truths she had skilfully obscured in her lifetime. The first challenge was the sheer volume of her estate, which comprised more than 700 boxes, containing film reels, news clippings, letters, diaries, home videos, several drafts of Riefenstahl's memoirs, hundreds of hours of recorded phone conversations, and hundreds of thousands of photographs.
Over six years, Veiel, Maischberger and a team of researchers combed through the material for anything that might contradict Riefenstahl's public story. For the first six months, there were no breakthroughs. The experience felt 'like a sermon', Veiel recalls. 'It was just interview after interview – always the same questions, always the same answers: 'I was just an artist, I was not interested in politics.' It was suffocating.'
It appeared Riefenstahl, a consummate editor, had perfected her posthumous presentation. Then, slowly, fissures began to appear among the folders and files. There was a scribbled note in a calendar to 'Vote NPD', a reference to the postwar neo-Nazi party. Recordings of private telephone conversations conveyed shared nostalgia for the 'decency and virtue' of the Nazi years. There was a missing section of a 1934 interview Riefenstahl gave to the Daily Express which, when located in the newspaper's own archives, described the 'tremendous impression' made on her by Mein Kampf, the first page of which had made her 'a confirmed National Socialist'.
There were also private letters that proffered previously unseen, and compromising, accounts of Riefenstahl's stint as a war correspondent in Poland and her witnessing of one of the earliest massacres of Jews, in Końskie in September 1939. While Riefenstahl first claimed she did not see the shooting, and later that she did but had been horrified, the estate letters hint at a more complicated story. Indeed, one letter, referring to an army report of the massacre, suggests that Riefenstahl's directorial instructions to remove the Jews from a market square where she was filming may even have been a catalyst for the shooting. Her request was relayed roughly by a member of the Nazi military as 'get rid of the Jews', the letter says. 'Prompted by this remark … some of the Polish Jews attempted to flee and the shots were fired.'
'In the beginning, I was the detective, looking for her guilt,' recalls Veiel of his discoveries. 'Later on I realised she does the job herself.'
Making Riefenstahl, Veiel and Maischberger observed in parallel a renaissance of the film-maker's imagery and its attendant ideology. From Donald Trump's raised fist to the organised bodies of Moscow military parades, the mediascape was increasingly occupied by the choreography, motifs and perspectives that characterise Triumph of the Will. To those in the film community – and beyond – who defend Riefenstahl as a 'pure artist' or foreground the formal appreciation of her imagery, the documentary insists, as Maischberger puts it, that 'there is no innocence in the use of these aesthetics'.
The film works with minimal commentary, but makes deft use of cuts to expose the inconsistencies in its subject's storytelling. Her claim, in a 1993 documentary, that Triumph of the Will has 'no other political goal or motive' beyond 'peace and work' and 'no mention of racial theory' is swiftly followed by her low-angle shots of the Nazi propagandist Julius Streicher thundering that 'a people that does not hold dear its racial purity will perish'.
The more archival interviews with Riefenstahl the team reviewed, the more the film-maker also revealed her strategies of postwar rehabilitation. An actor before she was a director, she deployed all her 'tools as an artist', Veiel says, to deflect from her ideological affinity with nazism. Over the course of the documentary, we encounter the film-maker as beguiling and flirtatious – all secretive smiles and 'oh, do have another cup of coffee'. We see her furious and intimidating, abruptly shutting down interviews with a high-volume tirade. We see her insist on her own victimhood and on how 'terribly difficult' it is not to be believed. And in English-language interviews in particular, we see her play guileless ingenue. 'What does it mean, 'disappear'?' she asks one interviewer, when asked about her knowledge of deportations.
Throughout Riefenstahl, Veiel makes frequent use of slow-motion and zoom to bring the viewer uneasily close to his subject's gaze, gestures and mouth. Early on in the film, he cuts between photos of her at different ages, her piercing eyes steadfast centre of the frame. The effect is one of powerful beauty ('as pretty as a swastika', as American columnist Walter Winchell memorably put it), and of even more potent image control. 'We show her ability to stage herself,' he says. 'Different means and methods, always knowing there is some sort of impact.'
Did Veiel, a posthumous interviewer of sorts, feel manipulated by what Riefenstahl had left behind? 'There was this deep suspicion. I asked myself how do I go beyond the performance?' In particular, the director, who studied psychology, grappled with documentation of the film-maker's childhood.
In memoir drafts found in the archive, Riefenstahl described a harsh upbringing, punctuated by 'terrible beating' and often being told it was a pity she was not born a boy. She recalled a formative episode as a five-year-old, when she was thrown into a lake and left to figure out how to swim. Since these anecdotes did not make it into the published version of her memoirs, Veiel is inclined to consider them uncomfortable truths – determinative traumas, even – that might contextualise Riefenstahl's relationship to nazism. 'It's this very brutal Prussian education,' Veiel says, a childhood imbued with ideas of 'toughness, strength, the contempt for weakness, the question of supremacy'.
Sign up to Inside Saturday
The only way to get a look behind the scenes of the Saturday magazine. Sign up to get the inside story from our top writers as well as all the must-read articles and columns, delivered to your inbox every weekend.
after newsletter promotion
These leitmotifs would carry over to Riefenstahl's early acting career of the 1920s, in which she starred in several so-called mountain films, directed by Arnold Fanck. In these Alpine epics – The Holy Mountain and The White Hell of Pitz Palu are two of the best known – Riefenstahl was determined to do all her own stunts. Often the only woman on set, she scaled glaciers without safety ropes, ascended sheer rocks barefoot, was immersed in freezing water, and nearly suffocated under a staged avalanche.
Veiel sees a through-line from these childhood experiences and early acting roles to Riefenstahl's work for the Third Reich. 'It was some sort of long-prepared affinity,' he says. 'It was not by chance that Hitler was asking her to make these films. She had this divided idea of mankind – celebrating the strong, condemning the so-called dirty, sick or frail. We considered her at a certain stage as a prototype of fascism.'
In assessing the impact of education, history and policy on Riefenstahl's outlook, Veiel described a tightrope between understanding and exculpation: 'For me it was important that she is not just a nasty Nazi. She is a human being. That makes her even more dangerous, because she comes out of the middle of our society. I wanted to understand her, but not to exonerate her responsibility.'
At times, Veiel seems to come close to a psychological study of his subject. 'This ideal of purity and beauty was, of course, to repress the violent part of her experience,' he says. He acknowledges, however, that this is conjecture, rather than conclusion, around the film-maker's formative years, and that the unpublished drafts of Riefenstahl's memoirs have no more claim to factuality than the different versions of her experience in Końskie, Poland. In this, the documentary is on more unstable ground, contending with the unreliability, as much as the revelations, of its source material. 'It is open. I'm not the one who can judge what is fabricated or not,' says Veiel.
To counter the doubt, Veiel insisted on total fidelity to the archival material. 'If you make a film on someone who is manipulating their whole life, it was a total no-go for us to use AI,' he says. He also developed a visual style rooted in the materiality of the estate. Spliced between the archival footage and recordings are several shots of the archive's physical presence: the file dividers, the labelled cassettes, the glued-in pictures in albums. The means and matter of analogue record-taking lends Riefenstahl a solidity its slippery protagonist cannot.
Ultimately, however, Riefenstahl impresses most in attesting to the seductiveness of evasion. Veiel hopes that the film will above all foster a deeper understanding of 'the structure and necessity of legends' and the breeding ground of untruths. Even when the gaps and inconsistencies in her storytelling seem flagrant, she still finds her advocates and supporters. 'It doesn't matter that she is obviously lying,' Veiel says. 'People want the lie. That's the crucial point.'
Riefenstahl is in cinemas from 9 May.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Inside Romeo Beckha new romance as she gets mum Victoria's approval
Inside Romeo Beckha new romance as she gets mum Victoria's approval

Daily Mirror

timean hour ago

  • Daily Mirror

Inside Romeo Beckha new romance as she gets mum Victoria's approval

Romeo Beckham has sparked new romance speculation after being spotted with German model Caroline Daur just weeks after his split from former girlfriend, DJ Kim Turnbull All eyes were once again on the Beckhams this week as son Romeo Beckham was spotted with a potential new flame. Just weeks after the 22 year old called time on his relationship with Kim Turnbull he was seen enjoying some alone time with Caroline Daur, 30. The German has become famous in the fashion world with the model being a recognised blogger. And it appears she has already been given the nod of approval by Victoria Beckham, who has long admired her work. ‌ In 2018, the former Spice Girls' Facebook account asked Caroline for an image of her wearing one of her designs. And the German star has also been present at a number of Posh's fashion shows over the years. ‌ But who is Caroline Daur and how did she make her way in the industry? She previously revealed she is proud to be a "self-made" success. She once said: "I don't have an agent, manager or assistant. I do everything by myself." She rose in the industry in the early 2010s with a successful fashion blog and has since amassed 4.6million Instagram followers. She also has over one million people follower her TikTok account. She is now thought to have a net worth of around €4 million (£3.4million). She has branched out with her work and featured on TV too. She was involved as a guest judge on the German version of Next Top Model. Caroline also launched a series of work out videos which were available to follow online. The model is also set to appear on the small screen once more having landed a role on a German Netflix series. Last year, she filmed for the series titled She Said Yes. Caroline also previously opened up on dealing with ADHD, which she was diagnosed with later in life. "It didn't surprise me," she confessed after revealing the condition. "And it didn't surprise anyone around me either. The diagnosis came late, but it explained so much." ‌ She continued: "'My brain is like an internet browser with 47 tabs open. Sport is the only way I can calm it down. This morning I worked out at 7am, even after a short night. Without it, I just don't function." It remains to be seen how Romeo's family react to any potential budding romance between the pair. The second eldest son of David and Victoria found himself surrounded by rumours of a family feud after his older brother Brooklyn, 26, swerved the siblings' dad's 50th birthday. ‌ Brooklyn was said to have been 'uneasy' about Romeo dating his, ex Kim, who was once close friends with the hot sauce enthusiast. He reportedly felt his parents were 'favouring' his younger brother, who was seen beaming in snaps from David's birthday. Amid the fallout, Romeo and Kim ended their partnership and now appears to be getting cosy with the German model. The duo were spotted in Paris together, having reportedly bonded over their love of Tennis. Both were attending the Men's Singles Semi Final at the French Open on Friday.

How a Luxembourg village divided Europe
How a Luxembourg village divided Europe

Spectator

time3 hours ago

  • Spectator

How a Luxembourg village divided Europe

I am in the most EU-ish bedroom in the EU. That is to say, I am lying in a refurbished room in the handsome 14th-century Chateau de Schengen, in the little village of Schengen, Luxembourg. From my casements, opened wide onto the sunny Saarland afternoon, I can see the exact stretch of the river Moselle where, on a boat floating between Germany, France and Luxembourg, the Schengen Agreement was signed in 1985. This was the agreement that sealed Free Movement as Europe's defining ideal – one whose consequences are still unfolding. I've been in Luxembourg for a week, on assignment, and this week has given me an insight into why the nations of the EU undertook their bold, remarkable experiment of no more borders. The first and obvious motivator was war. Luxembourg can look oddly new, or newish. Ancient-sounding villages are full of blocky 1960s houses. Supposedly medieval churches are clearly modern, lacking the rich patina of age. This is because they were all flattened in war – especially the last German offensive of the second world war, the Battle of the Bulge – which raged across snowbound Luxembourg from December 1944 to January 1945. As a result, much had to be rebuilt or heavily restored. Reviving international trust took even longer, as the war here was brutal. In little towns like Diekirch, teenage Nazi conscripts casually gunned down innocent civilians in the streets. The angered Allies felt no huge need thereafter to take German prisoners alive. The yearning to overcome this evil trauma – and reconcile – was one big driver of the EEC, which reached its frontierless, post-national apotheosis here in Schengen. But another was sheer practicality. Yesterday, my local guide, Anna, told me how she once had to show her passport every day to cross the Moselle to and from Germany. She can remember the queues and frustration. She recalls a crimped, claustrophobic Europe – like an office with too many cubicles. Nowadays the quaint old customs houses have been turned into tourist bureaux or posh chocolatiers, and everyone breezes between countries with total freedom. The other day I drove a meandering route through the rustling green winelands and must have crossed between Lux and DE half a dozen times, barely noticing. At its best, Schengen is indeed wonderful. But there's the geopolitical rub. Schengen at its Platonic best is magnificent. In practice, it may be turning into a tragic failure. A primary reason is migration – not within Europe, but without. To illustrate my point, Anna told me another story of Luxembourg. She explained how, in the 1970s, the now-prospering little Duchy required workers. As she put it, with bracing candour: 'We chose the Portuguese because they were poor and wanted the work, but also because they are European, Christian, Catholic, like us. We felt they would assimilate.' And so they have. You can see unexpectedly good selections of Douro wines in Luxembourg supermarkets. Otherwise, the 15 per cent of the population that is Portuguese is barely discernible. Schengen might, perhaps, be in much less trouble if every other country had followed those careful Luxembourg policies. But they didn't. France drew people from its old empire – Algeria, Morocco, sub-Saharan Africa. Germany imported millions of Turks, then another million Syrians under Merkel's idealistic Willkommen policy of 2015. Britain turned to the Caribbean, then Pakistan, India, Bangladesh. Combining open internal borders with sovereign external migration policies – inviting millions from far outside Europe – was, in retrospect, bound to create a problem. It's like a flat share where everyone agrees to leave their doors open and split the rent, but each person gets to invite their own guests, who then stay forever, use the bathroom, and host loud parties. Irritation is guaranteed. Some housemates will get seriously annoyed. Take, for example, the Somali migrant population in Holland. Tens of thousands of them moved to the UK under Free Movement. The UK could do nothing to stop this – as Britons duly noted. This is one example of how Free Movement, which peaked with Schengen, led quite directly to Brexit. It was perhaps sheer bad luck that Schengen coincided with one of the most ill-conceived experiments of recent times: multiculturalism plus mass immigration. Or maybe it wasn't coincidence, and they derive from the same well-meaning, liberal universalism – only this time taken too far. Frontiers are intrinsically sad – divisions within humanity made all too real Whatever the case, as I write this in my room in the Chateau de Schengen, I can also read the daily and unhappy news that springs from Europe's mass immigration experience: of riots and deaths in France following the football victory of Paris Saint-Germain; of another call for an inquiry into rape gangs in the UK; of a hard-right Polish politician becoming president, vowing to keep Poland migrant-free; of once-peaceful Sweden – now 'the bombing capital of the West'. Or I can read about de facto blasphemy laws in Britain and Denmark, introduced to placate militant Islam. And I can read of endless terror shifting across Europe untracked, leading even mainstream politicians in Germany, Austria, Italy to argue for the suspension of Schengen. Yes, of course there are multiple good, successful stories of integration and assimilation across Europe. But for many Europeans, judging by the remarkable electoral shift to the hard right, the good is now majorly outweighed by the bad. Is there any hope for that faded but shimmering Schengen ideal of a borderless Europe? I'd like to think so. Frontiers are intrinsically sad – divisions within humanity made all too real – even if Robert Frost knew what he was talking about when he said 'good fences make good neighbours'. The day is closing here in the Chateau de Schengen, and the summer sun sets lazily over the Auxerrois vines. They have a nice restaurant in the hotel, which has a classic French menu. I want to eat French food in Luxembourg while looking at Germany. It feels Schengen-y. But as the waitress brings my tranche de foie gras maison, the capricious Luxemburg weather turns. It's been in the forecast for a while – now it has arrived: a cold wind from the Ardennes is sweeping down the Moselle valley. The rain lashes the ancient gardens, and the waiters drift toward the windows, watching as the parasols surrender to the storm.

Passengers flying with major airlines to face new 4 hour rule at airports
Passengers flying with major airlines to face new 4 hour rule at airports

Daily Mirror

time5 hours ago

  • Daily Mirror

Passengers flying with major airlines to face new 4 hour rule at airports

In a huge blow to Brits, EU countries have green-lighted controversial plans to lengthen the wait time before delayed passengers can claim compensation for both short and long-haul journeys Customers flying with some big name air operators on short-haul flights have been hit with a brutal four-hour warning over a controversial shakeup. After 12 years of wrangling, EU countries have green-lighted plans to lengthen the wait time before flyers can lodge claims for delayed flights. Currently, passengers have to be delayed by more than three hours before qualifying for compensation. ‌ However, under the new stipulations - which still have to be negotiated with the European Parliament before they become law - short-haul travellers will only be eligible to claim compensation after being delayed by four hours or more, while those on longer journeys will have to sit tight for a six-hour hold-up before they can lodge a compensation claim. ‌ It's not all bad news though, as EU nations have also agreed to increase the amount of compensation for those delayed on short-haul journeys from €250 (approx £210.47) to €300 (£252.56). But, passengers hit with delays on long-haul flights could see their compensation reduce from €600 (£505) to €500 (£420). The trade body Airlines for Europe (A4E), which represents companies such as Ryanair, easyJet and Lufthansa, and The European Consumer Organisation, the BEUC, both slammed the rules - arguing it would deprive the majority of passengers from being able to claim compensation. This is because most delays are only between two and four hours. "Europe has been waiting for transparent and workable passenger rights for 12 years and member states have fallen at the final hurdle to deliver," A4E said. "Member states have diluted the European Commission's original proposal and introduced even more complexity." According to Yorkshire Live, German members of the European People's Party have also expressed their disapproval, stating that 'decreasing the rights to compensation for air passengers would be a step in the wrong direction'. "Reimbursement after a three-hour delay has been standard for many years and should remain so," they added. ‌ A senior EU diplomat is believed to have said that 'no politician wants to say more than four hours' at risk of dampening Europeans' holiday plans. The news comes amidst accusations by 16 consumer protection associations from 12 Member States against seven budget airlines for imposing unfair charges on passengers' hand luggage. "The European Court of Justice has made it very clear that hand baggage is an integral part of the basic ticket price. Normally, there is no surcharge on the price as long as the hand luggage is of a reasonable size," explained Steven Berger, a solicitor with the European Consumers' Organisation (BEUC). "All we're seeing is a proliferation of airlines charging for this baggage... We're calling for very clear rules. Passengers must be able to take one piece of luggage, a small suitcase or a rucksack." He added: "At the moment, there are two different opposing positions among the member states in the Council. On the whole, you have the camp of the member states that are going to defend the three hours to be able to benefit from the right to compensation and others that are going to ask for five hours and nine hours based on distance. So right now this is really the big source of conflict." *Prices based on EUR to GBP conversions at the time of writing.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store