Russia reportedly has a new ground forces chief. He's led bloody 'meat grinder' attacks in Ukraine.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has appointed a new commander in chief of Russia's ground forces who has been involved in some of the war's most brutal fighting, according to multiple reports.
Colonel General Andrei Mordvichev replaced General Oleg Salyukov in the role on Thursday, state-controlled Russian outlet Izvestia reported.
Deutsche Welle and several Russian outlets, including the government-published Rossiyskaya Gazeta, also reported the move. A list of official presidential decrees announced Salyukov's departure, but has not yet confirmed that Mordvichev is the replacement.
The Institute for the Study of War said Friday that Mordvichev's reported appointment represented an endorsement of his preference for "grinding, highly attritional, infantry-led assaults," and said this suggested the Kremlin "aims to institutionalize these tactics."
Military analyst Yan Matveyev credited him as one of the main initiators of the approach, in a post to Telegram after the appointment was reported.
Mordvichev has previously said that Russia's invasion of Ukraine is "only the beginning." In an interview with Russian state media in 2023, Mordvichev said that the war "will not stop here," Newsweek reported at the time.
As deputy commander of the Central Military District, Mordvichev also presided over Russia's capture of the coastal city of Mariupol in 2022, one of the war's most brutal sieges.
That battle, which is estimated to have killed more than 8,000 people, ended with Russian forces taking the Azovstal steel plant, where Ukrainian forces had held out for two months.
Mordvichev is also credited with the capture of the strategically important city of Avdiivka in February 2024.
Ukrainian officials said that Russia lost more than 30,000 troops killed or wounded taking the city, using its infamous "meat grinder" approach of grinding down resistance with wave after wave of infantry attacks.
Mordvichev's reputation has grown steadily, and he was embraced by Ramzan Kadyrov, the leader of the Chechen Republic, as "the best commander" during his promotion to head up the Central Military District last year, The Times of London reported.
In 2022, Ukraine claimed to have killed Mordvichev in an airstrike near Kherson, but he was later seen meeting with Kadyrov.
He is under multiple European sanctions, according to the sanctions database OpenSanctions.
Salyukov, who became the ground forces commander in 2014, is a few days away from his 70th birthday, when he will age out of military service.
He's being moved to a senior post on the Russian Security Council, per a presidential decree.
A provocative appointment during peace talks
The reported appointment came as the two sides met in Istanbul for peace talks.
The talks, which began Friday, were left to lower-level officials after Putin declined to attend in person. The Russian officials included many of those who carried out fruitless negotiations in Istanbul in 2022, according to ISW.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Yahoo
25 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Trump tariffs deals major blow to European steelmakers, Salzgitter CEO warns
By Tom Käckenhoff and Christoph Steitz DUESSELDORF/FRANKFURT (Reuters) -Salzgitter, Germany's second-biggest steelmaker, on Monday warned that Washington's tariff policy was dealing a severe blow to European industry, after the U.S. administration unveiled plans to double steel import levies to 50%. According to Germany's steel association, the United States accounted for around a fifth, or 4 million tonnes, of European steel exports outside of the EU, making it the sector's most important export market. "The erratic tariff policy of the USA is hitting Europe's economy hard - especially Germany," Salzgitter CEO Gunnar Groebler said in a statement. Groebler said that apart from the direct tariffs on exports to the United States, there was also increased import pressure on the EU market as a result of rising volumes of cheaper Asian steel in Europe. Asian steel has been flooding the European market for years and the fear of that trend intensifying due to the U.S. tariffs has been the biggest headache for Europe's sector, in addition to high energy prices. In response to those fears, the EU on April 1 tightened steel import quotas to reduce inflows by a further 15% as part of its so-called European Steel and Metals Action Plan. Shares in Salzgitter fell along with larger European peers Thyssenkrupp and ArcelorMittal, all down between 0.6 and 1.8%. Just 4.5% of Salzgitter's sales come from its U.S. business, with its non-steel technology division accounting for half of that. Thyssenkrupp has previously said that the United States accounts for less than 5% of its steel exports. Thyssenkrupp did not immediately respond to a request for comment. "An increase in steel import duties in the USA to 50% should prompt the EU Commission to accelerate its efforts to implement the measures under the Steel and Metals Action Plan," Groebler said. Error in retrieving data Sign in to access your portfolio Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data Error in retrieving data

USA Today
29 minutes ago
- USA Today
US stock futures lower as investors eye key economic data, tax legislation, tariffs
US stock futures lower as investors eye key economic data, tax legislation, tariffs Show Caption Hide Caption Court blocks Trump's tariffs, saying they exceed legal authority A trade court blocked President Donald Trump's tariffs, saying they exceed his legal authority. U.S. stock futures are lower with all eyes on key economic data, tax legislation and tariffs. Not only will investors follow the twists and turns of tariff policy - last week a federal court halted President Donald Trump's most aggressive tariffs only to see them reinstated by an appeals court hours later - but they'll also look for clues on how the tariff drama has affected the economy. Trade tensions with China have also risen again after Trump last week accused China of violating terms of a tariff pause agreed upon in May. The May jobs report is due at the end of the week and could provide insight into how businesses are handling the threat of much higher pr. Economists, on average, expect the U.S. economy added 130,00le0 nonfarm payroll jobs while the unemployment rate held steady at 4.2%, according to Bloomberg. In April, the U.S. economy added 177,000 jobs with the unemployment rate at 4.2%. "Firms likely paused the hiring of trade and transportation workers but given elevated uncertainty about the steady state on tariffs, we don't think they would have already started shedding workers," said Antonio Gabriel, global economist at Bank of America Securities. While waiting for more clarity on tariffs and the economy, investors also will continue to track Trump's One Big, Beautiful Bill tax legislation that's in the hands of Senators now. The House passed the bill by a single vote. At 6 a.m. ET, futures linked to the blue-chip Dow fell -0.58%, while broad S&P 500 futures slipped -0.65% and tech-heavy Nasdaq futures dropped -0.78%. The S&P 500 and Nasdaq indexes ended higher last week to post in May the their biggest monthly gain since November 2023. Oil prices jump Oil prices rose over the weekend amid escalating strikes between Russia and Ukraine. In the latest attack, Ukraine allegedly destroyed more than 40 planes well within Russian territory, according to The Associated Press. Meanwhile, Hamas rejected a ceasefire deal with Israel, and dozens of Gazans are killed on their way to pick up aid. The geopolitical tensions overshadowed another big increase of 411,000 barrels per day for July from oil producing countries, which would have normally depressed oil prices. Corporate news Moderna's low-dose COVID vaccine mNexspike received Food and Drug Administration approval for adults 65 and older and people age 12 to 64 who have a least one health condition that puts them at increased risk from the coronavirus. Medora Lee is a money, markets, and personal finance reporter at USA TODAY. You can reach her at mjlee@ and subscribe to our free Daily Money newsletter for personal finance tips and business news every Monday through Friday.


Atlantic
29 minutes ago
- Atlantic
Strategizing With Ghosts
I have taught strategy in war colleges in the United States and other countries. Like most instructors, I describe strategy as an endeavor that strives to match ends and means in a rational way, a dialogue between soldiers and politicians seeking to use force for political purposes. That is certainly what the senior officers who attend such institutions believe. A recent multiweek swing through European capitals, however, has emphasized for me that among the most important influences on the choices that countries make about war and peace are ghosts: memories—be they accurate, fanciful, or, more typically, something in between—of historical experiences and personalities from a remembered past, sometimes reaching back centuries. Several days in London spent speaking to all manner of generals and spymasters, scholars, and advisers to government, for example, brought home the long shadow of empire that still shapes British military policy, for good and for ill. It was tangible while walking through the House of Lords and seeing the coats of arms of field marshals and admirals of the fleet, as it was during the celebration of V-E Day by veterans, admittedly of later wars, wearing the regimental ties and bonnets of defunct but storied regiments. Imperial self-assurance and memory helps explain Britain's remarkable leadership in dealing with the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Boris Johnson, whatever his peccadilloes, channeled Churchill's ghost by dashing off to Kyiv, pushing advanced weapons on Ukraine well before America did, and offering a security guarantee to Sweden as it began to move toward NATO membership. Not only Churchill but Palmerston or Pitt the Younger would have approved of such statecraft. Johnson is well read and eloquent enough to summon their spirits. Unfortunately, however, the reality of actual British power does not match its reach. The U.K. possesses outstanding niche capacities in the world of special operations and intelligence gathering, but its navy now has barely a quarter as many surface combatants as it did during the Falklands War; its nuclear force is obsolescent; and its army is tiny, albeit of high quality. The suggestion by British politicians that the U.K. could regularly deploy a brigade—say, some 4,000 soldiers—as part of a reassurance force to Ukraine in the event of a cease-fire was privately mocked by experts. The U.K. does not have enough troops to do that. The countries of Eastern Europe wrestle with different ghosts. Estonia is haunted by the Soviet Union's brutal occupation after World War II and the mass deportations of tens of thousands of Estonians, including the family of Kaja Kallas, the European Union's current high representative for foreign affairs and security policy. After the war, as in the other Baltic states, partisans fought the Soviets for another decade, and in some cases even beyond. The memories of those deported, killed, imprisoned, or tortured are with current leaders; so, too, are the ghosts of those who achieved a precarious independence after World War I only to lose it again to the Muscovites. It has led Estonians not only to arm themselves to the teeth and commit utterly to Ukraine's aid, but to disdain the condescending lectures of West Europeans who sought reconciliation with Russia after the Cold War. 'I was studying in Sweden in 1975,' one retired Estonian statesman told me, 'and no one then referred to the Federal Republic of Germany as the 'former Nazi Third Reich.' But somehow the West Europeans, 30 years after we regained our independence, think it's okay to refer to us as 'former Soviet republics.'' The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 has changed much of that, but the ghosts of the Soviet period still haunt the relationship between edgy and exposed frontline states and those more comfortably situated to the West that never felt the Russian lash. Finnish and Polish ghosts are rather different. Conversations with Finns about the Russian threat invariably turn to the Winter War, the spectacular fight that Finland put up against the Red Army in 1939–40. The heroism, the sense of having to be ready to fight alone and the payoff for being prepared to do so, has shaped Finnish strategic culture to the present day. But NATO membership—and with it the need to fight as part of an alliance elsewhere than along the 850-mile Russian-Finnish border—is something Finns struggle with. For Poland, the national strategic ghosts are those of betrayal. France and Britain failed to do much while Poland was crushed between Germany and the Soviet Union in 1939. In the Polish understanding, the country was betrayed again at the Yalta Conference in 1945. If past glories lead British statesmen to offer more than they can deliver, past horrors incline Poles to be suspicious of requests to do more than they deem prudent. When discussing whether Poland should contribute to a reassurance force stationed in Ukraine (rather than just over the border), a Polish general first explained the operational requirements of Poland's large army to fend off various other threats and then offered this response: 'You Americans asked us to follow you into Iraq. I lost men there, whom I still mourn. And now you want us to do this, when you are not willing to do it yourselves?' He had a point. But a rich and increasingly powerful Poland, with the best and largest land army in Europe outside Ukraine, will need to assume a leadership role for which its history has not prepared it. Europeans now speak of an E-4, composed of Britain, France, Germany, and Poland, that may steer the West's support to embattled Ukraine. That is a step in the right direction, at least. The millions of Ukrainian ghosts, victims of suffering at Russia's hand, explain Ukraine's extraordinary tenacity. Russia's predatory imperial ghosts, who have gathered in legions over centuries of conquest of neighboring lands, have lured Vladimir Putin into a project to restore the Russian empire, one that Russians insist to this day 'has no borders.' The ghosts who fell in America's ill-starred wars in Afghanistan and Iraq are among the reasons (including others far less worthy) for J. D. Vance's and Donald Trump's snarls about renouncing the use of American military power abroad. But even Trump's government cannot quite dispel the worthier ghosts of its past—the U.S. ambassador to NATO, Matthew Whitaker, recently avowed America's commitment to the alliance, despite 'America First,' in a speech in Tallinn. In Europe, at least, some of the ghosts may be gradually dissipating. Germany's new government is willing to break with its past in sacrificing thrift for the imperatives of continental defense. It is also willing to put to rest some of the (self-serving) ghosts of guilt-based aversion to military spending. Sweden has set aside its romanticized history of neutrality for participation in an alliance, although not without misgivings. As one shrewd Swedish strategist put it, 'There we were in our sailboat, the good sloop Nonalignment. A storm blew up, and we were delighted to be rescued by the mighty ocean liner SS NATO. The other passengers were wonderful, the bar excellent—and then we learned that there was a new captain who has decided he wants to play games of chicken with icebergs.' 'War has a way of masking the stage with scenery crudely daubed with fearsome apparitions,' Carl von Clausewitz wrote. Although it is true that we can never quite escape the ghosts, be they benign or malignant, that surround strategists, it is also necessary to lay many of them to rest, if only to find the ways and means to protect this and later generations from murderous madness. For Ukraine and the European future, this exorcism is a moderate sign of hope in a world that is indeed haunted by perfectly reasonable forebodings.