
Little Village buildings spray-painted with swastikas, pro-ICE statement
According to a statement from the Chicago Police Department, three buildings in the 2700 block of West Cermak Road and one in the 2500 block were vandalized around midnight Saturday.
Community members said a grocery store and two community organizations were spray-painted with swastikas in the 2700 block of West Cermak.
Half of the front wall of La Frutería grocery store is 50 feet of uninterrupted cinderblock wall — a perfect canvas for the street artists whose murals occupy the space. Bibiana Mesa, one of the owners of La Frutería grocery store, said they decided to give the space to the community when they bought the business five years ago.
'It's either we have them do something to relate a message, or we have it getting tagged by gangs in the area or whatnot,' she said. 'It brings up a lot of colors, and it makes people feel good, our community is being represented.'
In the past, the wall has been home to a Chicago Bulls cartoon and a mural honoring the Hispanic community, Mesa said. Until Sunday, the wall featured a mural reading 'FREE PALESTINE' with a child standing on a pile of burning rubble in front of a Palestinian flag.
The Mesas check their building for issues every morning when they arrive. On Saturday, as they pulled up in their car, they saw there were swastikas on the front of the building.
'And as we looked around, we noticed that other buildings around the area were vandalized as well,' Mesa said.
The Mesas painted over the swastikas on their building Saturday, but the swastikas were still visible. They decided the mural had to be painted over completely to remove all traces and planned to do so on Sunday. But when they came in Sunday morning, 'ICE RULES' had been added to the front of the building, an apparent reference to U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
The full facade is now the same shade of pink as the rest of the building. Still, the Mesas are hoping that local artists will reach out to propose new mural ideas.
'These people are trying to scare us, but you know, we're here with strong community, and we will get through this,' Mesa said.
This follows a similar incident in Pilsen in June, in which a woman defaced a mural at 16th Street and Ashland Avenue and was accused of attacking another woman who tried to stop her. That mural depicted solidarity between a Mexican and a Palestinian man.
Latinos Progresando, a nonprofit that provides community services for the Mexican community, including immigration legal services and education, posted pictures on social media of a swastika painted on its front door. In an accompanying statement, it wrote that 'at least four other entities' had been similarly targeted.
'It is clear that the perpetrator, motivated by a federal government who has unleashed masked, heavily armed ICE agents into our neighborhood, believed that this cowardly act would further intimidate, frighten, and divide our community,' the statement read.
'Let's be clear about one thing — Latinos Progresando will not back away from our values or be deterred from our work because of this heinous criminal act. We are not going anywhere.'
The third building tagged was the Chicago Liberation Center, a community center where social media posts show people have recently gathered to focus on actions against ICE and deportation. A window flying a Palestinian flag was painted with a swastika that has since been removed.
Police said no one is in custody and detectives are investigating.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Politico
3 hours ago
- Politico
ICE Is Overplaying Its Hand. We've Seen It Happen Before.
Out of this breach emerged the Compromise of 1850, a grand bargain designed to preserve the Union. Under its provisions, California entered the Union as a free state, but the citizens of other former Mexican territories were left to make their own determinations about slavery. Congress abolished the slave trade, but not slavery, in Washington, D.C. And, in return for these concessions, Southern politicians secured what would prove to be the most incendiary component of the deal: the Fugitive Slave Act (FSA) of 1850. The new act inspired widespread disgust throughout the North. The law stripped accused runaways of their right to trial by jury and allowed individual cases to be bumped up from state courts to special federal courts. As an extra incentive to federal commissioners adjudicating such cases, it provided a $10 fee when a defendant was remanded to slavery but only $5 for a finding rendered against the slave owner. Most obnoxious to many Northerners, the law stipulated harsh fines and prison sentences for any citizen who refused to cooperate with or aid federal authorities in the capture of accused fugitives — much in the same way the Trump administration has threatened to jail persons who impede its immigration raids. Before the FSA, formerly enslaved people were able to build lives for themselves in many northern communities. They found homes, took jobs, made friends, started families, formed churches. But after the FSA, they were permanent fugitives — and anyone who employed them, associated with them or provided them housing were accomplices. Early enforcement made immediate martyrs of ordinary people and pierced the illusion that slavery was just a Southern problem. In 1851 federal agents in Boston arrested Thomas Sims, who had escaped enslavement in Georgia, and marched him to a federal courthouse under guard by more than 300 armed soldiers to prevent a rescue. For Boston, a city whose history was steeped in the struggle against King George's standing army, it was an ominous display. Sims' hearing was, just as the law intended, shambolic, and he was ultimately returned to Georgia. (He would later escape a second time during the Civil War.) Want to read more stories like this? POLITICO Weekend delivers gripping reads, smart analysis and a bit of high-minded fun every Friday. Sign up for the newsletter. That same year, Shadrach Minkins, a waiter who had also fled enslavement to Boston, was seized in broad daylight. This time, word traveled fast, and a local 'vigilance committee' — interracial groups formed to monitor and, when necessary, resist enforcement of the fugitive slave law — assembled, with an eye toward liberating the accused man. Awaiting a hearing in federal custody, Minkins was suddenly rescued in a dramatic confrontation witnessed by attorney Richard H. Dana, Jr. 'We heard a shout from across the courthouse,' Dana recalled, 'continued into a yell of triumph, and in an instant after down the steps came two negroes bearing the prisoner between them with his clothes half torn off, and so stupefied by his sudden rescue and the violence of the dragging off that he sat almost dumb, and I thought had fainted. ... It was all done in an instant, too quick to be believed.' Minkins made it to Montreal, where he lived the rest of his life in freedom.


Chicago Tribune
6 hours ago
- Chicago Tribune
Chicago communities recovering from string of hateful defacements
Daniel Kirzane said he was cautious and curious after learning someone posted antisemitic graffiti across the street from his synagogue in Hyde Park. While the congregation contacted Chicago police just to be safe, Kirzane said he didn't think it was a 'real threat.' Rather, Kirzane said he viewed it as 'public intimidation' — the kind his congregation wouldn't 'give in to.' 'These aren't the values we hold by in Hyde Park, which is a community that's proud of its diversity,' said Kirzane, rabbi at KAM Isaiah Israel Congregation. 'And I think many Jews are upset to be singled out in this negative way.' Vandals tagged at least four locations in Hyde Park in June with antisemitic messages, police said. Murals depicting solidarity with Palestinians and immigrants were defaced that same month in Pilsen. Just weeks later, taggers drew hate symbols and language on buildings in Little Village. The rash of vandalism has shaken communities across Chicago, and while residents have mustered support for their affected neighbors, the vandalism reflects a concerning rise in hateful ideologies, experts and advocates said. 'To experience something like this is scary,' Chicago Human Relations Commissioner Nancy Andrade said. 'It really rattles you, and what you think may have been a safe community makes you start to think again.' While overall hate crimes in Chicago have decreased between 2023 and 2024, reported cases against Jewish people and gay men increased, according to a July 18 city news release. Antisemitic hate crimes increased 58% last year to account for about 38% of total hate crimes. Still, it seems people are more willing to express their hate, said Loyola University Chicago professor Jeannine Bell, who studies policing and hate crime. She attributed that willingness in part to the rollback of diversity, equity and inclusion initiatives and civil rights enforcement at the federal level. Those policies create a national conversation that has 'percolated down' to more local displays of hate and bias, she said. To DePaul University professor Joseph Mello, President Donald Trump and his administration's attacks on immigrant groups have contributed to what he described as a trickle-down effect. 'It creates a permission structure for average people to say some pretty vile stuff and do some pretty vile things,' said Mello, a political science professor who researches speech rights and law. Throughout June, Pilsen was hit with hate-related defacements. At a mural depicting a Palestinian man by 16th Street and Ashland Avenue, a woman burned the face of the painted subject. The woman also threw trash and feces at the mural, according to Natalie Figueroa, who said the vandal assaulted her when she tried to intervene. Alyssa Hall, a technology consultant who has lived in Pilsen for six years, said the defacements have upset her. 'They're kind of taking the heart of what this neighborhood is — resistance, building a community outside of your own and that solidarity — and attacking it,' she said. As a result of recent hate-related vandalism in Pilsen, Hall is more wary of people from outside the neighborhood and their intentions, she added. She urged her community to stay vigilant and for visitors to remain respectful of the neighborhood. One of the most significant impacts of hateful expressions, including the graffiti in Hyde Park and the mural defacement in Pilsen, is its chilling effect on the rest of a community, Mello said. 'Hate speech is … meant to intimidate and silence other people into not speaking,' Mello said. 'It's designed to make people speak less, to scare people.' Mello pointed to last weekend's vandalism in Little Village, where Latino-owned businesses and advocacy organizations discovered their buildings tagged with swastikas and pro-immigrant enforcement messages. He said those messages can make immigrants feel less safe about their communities. And even if the iconography isn't familiar to the general public, hate-related vandalism can still damage a community, Mello added. An individual defaced Hoste, a recently opened event space in Pilsen, with a Nazi symbol called the Black Sun in mid-June. Co-founder Jordan Tepper said when his staff saw the circular shapes spray painted on four exterior doors the morning of June 16, they had to look up what they represented. In the last few years, several far-right and neo-Nazi groups have adopted the symbol. 'What was really affected was the staff,' Tepper said. 'It's not good to feel unsafe in your place of work.' Though police caught the vandal, they told Tepper it would be difficult to charge the incident as a hate crime, he said. Nonetheless, community members who reached out in support of Hoste told Tepper they felt 'hurt and frustrated' by the graffiti, he said. Jordan Esparza-Kelley, a spokesman for the Council on American Islamic Relations-Chicago, said the vandalism has made many Muslim, Arab and South Asian Chicagoans worried about the 'viability' of living here. 'It does, for many in the community, beg the question of 'Is it OK for us to exist here?'' he said. ''Is it safe for us to exist here?'' He added that authorities need to do more when hate affects communities of color, such as in Pilsen. Police did not make an arrest after the mural defacement, and the woman responsible walked away from the scene after officers arrived, advocates said during a June 18 news conference. How officials respond to hate-related vandalism can make or break a community's recovery, Bell said. 'This is not a victimless crime. … Words matter, damage matters,' Bell said. 'It is incredibly traumatizing to … walk past a swastika or a slur on a building. When you catch the perpetrator, punish the perpetrator, that is recognition that this is something that is damaging not just to the property owner but to anyone who sees it.' Based on her research, dedicated hate crime units in municipal law enforcement are the best positioned to accumulate expertise to fight hate incidents, she said. Chicago police established a human relations section in the 1940s to deal with 'ethnic intimidation' cases. Over the decades, it's evolved into the hate crimes team housed in the office of equity and engagement. Aside from organization, the amount of effort put into solving hate crimes is also important, Bell said. The percent of hate crimes resulting in arrests and charges decreased from about 14% in 2021 to 5% in 2024, according to Chicago police data. Between 70% to 80% of cases were suspended in that time period, meaning all investigative avenues were exhausted but the case couldn't proceed. Chicago's Human Relations Commission also provides victim support to property owners and individuals targeted by hate-related vandalism, Andrade said. After the antisemitic messages in Hyde Park the commission reached out to KAM Isaiah Israel, she said. Andrade's staff also contacted local business owners and advocacy groups such as Latinos Progresando in Little Village after their buildings were tagged, she added. The Human Relations Commission also focuses on educational outreach, Andrade said, launching campaigns to help residents understand when and how to report hate incidents. 'They're speaking up, which is wonderful. That is awesome,' Andrade said. 'Hyde Park communities spoke up. Little Village communities spoke up: 'We don't want this.'' They immediately alerted the authorities. We were alerted about this. We are very happy that (reporting) is happening.' And based on the recently released data showing an increase in hate crimes against Jewish people, the Human Relations Commission plans to hold special hearings on antisemitism in September. Just like government responses, how a community reacts to hateful vandalism can also affect how targeted groups recover, Bell said. If a majority of neighbors speak up to say a hate display doesn't represent the neighborhood, it doesn't have to 'stain' the community, she said. Kirzane said by and large, the Hyde Park community has moved on from late-June's antisemitic taggings. In addition to encouraging responsiveness from police and the Human Relations Commission, Kirzane said the offices of two aldermen, local churches and neighbors also reached out to ask how they could help. 'If we didn't have that, it would be harder to move on,' Kirzane said.

Los Angeles Times
6 hours ago
- Los Angeles Times
Trump says he's deporting the ‘worst of the worst.' What is really happening?
They called them the 'worst of the worst.' For more than a month and a half, the Trump administration has posted a barrage of mugshots of L.A. undocumented immigrants with long rap sheets. Officials have spotlighted Cuong Chanh Phan, a 49-year-old Vietnamese man convicted in 1997 of second-degree murder for his role in slaying two teens at a high school graduation party. They have shared blurry photos on Instagram of a slew of convicted criminals such as Rolando Veneracion-Enriquez, a 55-year-old Filipino man convicted in 1996 of sexual penetration with a foreign object with force and assault with intent to commit a felony. And Eswin Uriel Castro, a Mexican convicted in 2002 of child molestation and in 2021 of assault with a deadly weapon. But the immigrants that the Department of Homeland Security showcase in X posts and news releases do not represent the majority of immigrants swept up across Los Angeles. As the number of immigration arrests in the L.A. region quadrupled from 540 in April to 2,185 in June, seven out of 10 immigrants arrested in June had no criminal conviction — a trend that immigrant advocates say belies administration claims that they are targeting 'heinous illegal alien criminals' who represent a threat to public safety. According to a Los Angeles Times analysis of ICE data from the Deportation Data Project, the proportion of immigrants without criminal convictions arrested in seven counties in and around L.A. has skyrocketed from 35% in April, to 46% in May, and to 69% from June 1 to June 26. Austin Kocher, a geographer and research assistant professor at Syracuse University who specializes in immigration enforcement, said the Trump administration was not being entirely honest about the criminal status of those they were arresting. Officials, he said, followed a strategy of focusing on the minority of violent convicted criminals so they could justify enforcement policies that are proving to be less popular. 'I think they know that if they were honest with the American public that they're arresting people who cook our food, wash dishes in the kitchen, take care of people in nursing homes, people who are just living in part of the community … there's a large segment of the public, including a large segment of Trump's own supporters, who would be uncomfortable and might even oppose those kinds of immigration practices.' In Los Angeles, the raids swept up garment worker Jose Ortiz, who worked 18 years at the Ambiance Apparel clothing warehouse in downtown L.A., before being nabbed in a June 6 raid; car wash worker Jesus Cruz, a 52-year-old father who was snatched on June 8 — just before his daughter's graduation — from Westchester Hand Wash; and Emma De Paz, a recent widow and tamale vendor from Guatemala who was arrested June 19 outside a Hollywood Home Depot. Such arrests may be influencing the public's perception of the raids. Multiple polls show support for Trump's immigration agenda slipping as masked federal agents increasingly swoop up undocumented immigrants from workplaces and streets. ICE data shows that about 31% of the immigrants arrested across the L.A. region from June 1 to June 26 had criminal convictions, 11% had pending criminal charges and 58% were classified as 'other immigration violator,' which ICE defines as 'individuals without any known criminal convictions or pending charges in ICE's system of record at the time of the enforcement action.' The L.A. region's surge in arrests of noncriminals has been more dramatic than the U.S. as a whole: Arrests of immigrants with no criminal convictions climbed nationally from 57% in April to 69% in June. Federal raids here have also been more fiercely contested in Southern California — particularly in L.A. County, where more than 2 million residents are undocumented or living with undocumented family members. 'A core component of their messaging is that this is about public safety, that the people that they are arresting are threats to their communities,' said David Bier, director of immigration studies at the Cato Institute, a Libertarian think tank. 'But it's hard to maintain that this is all about public safety when you're going out and arresting people who are just going about their lives and working.' Trump never said he would arrest only criminals. Almost as soon as he retook office on Jan. 20, Trump signed a stack of executive orders aimed at drastically curbing immigration. The administration then moved to expand arrests from immigrants who posed a security threat to anyone who entered the country illegally. Yet while officials kept insisting they were focused on violent criminals, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt issued a warning: 'That doesn't mean that the other illegal criminals who entered our nation's borders are off the table.' As White House chief advisor on border policy Tom Homan put it: 'If you're in the country illegally, you got a problem.' Still, things did not really pick up until May, when White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller ordered ICE's top field officials to shift to more aggressive tactics: arresting undocumented immigrants, whether or not they had a criminal record. Miller set a new goal: arresting 3,000 undocumented people a day, a quota that immigration experts say is impossible to reach by focusing only on criminals. 'There aren't enough criminal immigrants in the United States to fill their arrest quotas and to get millions and millions of deportations, which is what the president has explicitly promised,' Bier said. 'Immigration and Customs Enforcement says there's half a million removable noncitizens who have criminal convictions in the United States. Most of those are nonviolent: traffic, immigration offenses. It's not millions and millions.' By the time Trump celebrated six months in office, DHS boasted that the Trump administration had already arrested more than 300,000 undocumented immigrants. '70% of ICE arrests,' the agency said in a news release, 'are individuals with criminal convictions or charges.' But that claim no longer appeared to be true. While 78% of undocumented immigrants arrested across the U.S. in April had a criminal conviction or faced a pending charge, that number had plummeted to 57% in June. In L.A., the difference between what Trump officials said and the reality on the ground was more stark: Only 43% of those arrested across the L.A. region had criminal convictions or faced a pending charge. Still, ICE kept insisting it was 'putting the worst first.' As stories circulate across communities about the arrests of law-abiding immigrants, there are signs that support for Trump's deportation agenda is falling. A CBS/YouGov poll published July 20 shows about 56% of those surveyed approved of Trump's handling of immigration in March, but that dropped to 50% in June and 46% in July. About 52% of poll respondents said the Trump administration is trying to deport more people than expected. When asked who the Trump administration is prioritizing for deporting, only 44% said 'dangerous criminals.' California Gov. Gavin Newsom and L.A. Mayor Karen Bass have repeatedly accused Trump of conducting a national experiment in Los Angeles. 'The federal government is using California as a playground to test their indiscriminate actions that fulfill unsafe arrest quotas and mass detention goals,' Diana Crofts-Pelayo, a spokesperson for Newsom told The Times. 'They are going after every single immigrant, regardless of whether they have a criminal background and without care that they are American citizens, legal status holders and foreign-born, and even targeting native-born U.S. citizens.' When pressed on why ICE is arresting immigrants who have not been convicted or are not facing pending criminal charges, Trump administration officials tend to argue that many of those people have violated immigration law. 'ICE agents are going to arrest people for being in the country illegally,' Homan told CBS News earlier this month. 'We still focus on public safety threats and national security threats, but if we find an illegal alien in the process of doing that, they're going to be arrested too.' Immigration experts say that undermines their message that they are ridding communities of people who threaten public safety. 'It's a big backtracking from 'These people are out killing people, raping people, harming them in demonstrable ways,' to 'This person broke immigration law in this way or that way,'' Bier said. The Trump administration is also trying to find new ways to target criminals in California. It has threatened to withhold federal funds to California due to its 'sanctuary state' law, which limits county jails from coordinating with ICE except in cases involving immigrants convicted of a serious crime or felonies such as murder, rape, robbery or arson. Last week, the U.S. Justice Department requested California counties, including L.A., provide data on all jail inmates who are not U.S. citizens in an effort to help federal immigration agents prioritize those who have committed crimes. 'Although every illegal alien by definition violates federal law,' the U.S. Justice Department said in a news release, 'those who go on to commit crimes after doing so show that they pose a heightened risk to our Nation's safety and security.' As Americans are bombarded with dueling narratives of good vs. bad immigrants, Kocher believes the question we have to grapple with is not 'What does the data say?' Instead, we should ask: 'How do we meaningfully distinguish between immigrants with serious criminal convictions and immigrants who are peacefully living their lives?' 'I don't think it's reasonable, or helpful, to represent everyone as criminals — or everyone as saints,' Kocher said. 'Probably the fundamental question, which is also a question that plagues our criminal justice system, is whether our legal system is capable of distinguishing between people who are genuine public safety threats and people who are simply caught up in the bureaucracy.' The data, Kocher said, show that ICE is currently unable or unwilling to make that distinction. 'If we don't like the way that the system is working, we might want to rethink whether we want a system where people who are simply living in the country following laws, working in their economy, should actually have a pathway to stay,' Kocher said. 'And the only way to do that is actually to change the laws.' In the rush to blast out mugshots of some of the most criminal L.A. immigrants, the Trump administration left out a key part of the story. According to the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, its staff notified ICE on May 5 of Veneracion's pending release after he had served nearly 30 years in prison for the crimes of assault with intent to commit rape and sexual penetration with a foreign object with force. But ICE failed to pick up Veneracion and canceled its hold on him May 19, a day before he was released on parole. A few weeks later, as ICE amped up its raids, federal agents arrested Veneracion on June 7 at the ICE office in L.A. The very next day, DHS shared his mugshot in a news release titled 'President Trump is Stepping Up Where Democrats Won't.' The same document celebrated the capture of Phan, who served nearly 25 years in prison after he was convicted of second-degree murder. CDCR said the Board of Parole Hearings coordinated with ICE after Phan was granted parole in 2022. Phan was released that year to ICE custody. But those details did not stop Trump officials from taking credit for his arrest and blaming California leaders for letting Phan loose. 'It is sickening that Governor Newsom and Mayor Bass continue to protect violent criminal illegal aliens at the expense of the safety of American citizens and communities,' DHS Assistant Secretary Tricia McLaughlin said in a statement.