
Advocates push for improved family benefits as key bills stall
1 /2 VICTORIA BUDIONO / VBUDIONO @STARADVERTISER.COM Advocates rallied Friday in support of improved benefits for Hawaii's keiki.
VICTORIA BUDIONO / VBUDIONO @STARADVERTISER.COM State Sens. Kurt Fevella (R, Ewa Beach-Ocean Pointe-Iroquois Point ), left, and Sharon Moriwaki (D, Waikiki-Ala Moana-Kakaako ) advocated Friday for bills that promote economic security and equity for children, affordable child care programs, preschool and other causes at the state Capitol rotunda.
2 /2 VICTORIA BUDIONO / VBUDIONO @STARADVERTISER.COM State Sens. Kurt Fevella (R, Ewa Beach-Ocean Pointe-Iroquois Point ), left, and Sharon Moriwaki (D, Waikiki-Ala Moana-Kakaako ) advocated Friday for bills that promote economic security and equity for children, affordable child care programs, preschool and other causes at the state Capitol rotunda.
VICTORIA BUDIONO / VBUDIONO @STARADVERTISER.COM Advocates rallied Friday in support of improved benefits for Hawaii's keiki.
VICTORIA BUDIONO / VBUDIONO @STARADVERTISER.COM State Sens. Kurt Fevella (R, Ewa Beach-Ocean Pointe-Iroquois Point ), left, and Sharon Moriwaki (D, Waikiki-Ala Moana-Kakaako ) advocated Friday for bills that promote economic security and equity for children, affordable child care programs, preschool and other causes at the state Capitol rotunda.
Advocates are intensifying their efforts to push for improved family benefits for Hawaii's children as key bills addressing these issues remain stalled in the Legislature.
The Paid Family &Medical Leave bills—House Bill 755, HB 695, Senate Bill 852 and SB 1054—seek to provide working families with paid time off to care for a new child, recover from illness or assist a loved one. While the nation remains the only developed country without a national paid family leave program, 13 states and the District of Columbia have implemented similar laws.
Advocates, including the Hawaii Children's Action Network, are calling on the state to join them.
HCAN is also advocating for an increase in the Child and Dependent Care Tax Credit—HB 753.
The cost of preschool in Hawaii averages over $13, 000 per year, and working families are in dire need of help with child care expenses, the organization said. In 2023, Hawaii lawmakers took an initial step to support families by quadrupling the maximum amount that taxpayers can claim for child and dependent care expenses. However, a cap on the percentage of care expenses that can be claimed with the CDCTC makes it nearly impossible for families to access these increased amounts.
The bill proposes increasing the CDCTC percentage cap, allowing working families to receive more assistance for child care costs.
Don 't miss out on what 's happening !
Stay in touch with breaking news, as it happens, conveniently in your email inbox. It 's FREE !
Email 28141 Sign Up By clicking to sign up, you agree to Star-Advertiser 's and Google 's and. This form is protected by reCAPTCHA.
Both HB 755 and HB 753 are stalled in the House Finance Committee, and related bills have not been heard after passing their first hearings.
State Rep. Jeanne Kapela (D, Volcano-Hawaiian Ocean View ) told the Honolulu Star-Advertiser that the ongoing federal instability has had a trickle-down effect on state legislation. She explained that the uncertainty in federal funding has made it difficult for the state to plan and allocate resources for essential programs.
'The problem is that when you look at what's happening at the federal level, there's a trickle down to our state, ' Kapela said. 'It's hard for the state to figure out what to do here, and what gaps are we going to need to fill ?' She added that the uncertainty surrounding funding has caused delays in passing important bills like paid family leave and tax credits.
Kapela emphasized that while some bills have been stalled, there is still potential to make progress, particularly if there is a related legislative vehicle.
'We're still at a point where if there is a vehicle that's related to something, we could potentially do something, ' Kapela said. 'We're not at the end, but we really have to figure out how to save money on the state side so we can come back and fix the holes that we're going to ultimately have to fix.'
She noted that the state might have a clearer financial outlook once Congress passes its budget bill in March.
Nicole Woo, HCAN's director of research and economic policy, explained that nearly half of Hawaii's children live in households experiencing financial hardship. While almost 1 in 8 are in poverty, an additional 1 in 3 live in households that aren't officially poor, but still struggle to afford the basics.
In testimony for HB 753, Aloha United Way argued that tax credit adjustments like those in the bill are effective tools to reduce poverty and stabilize families, especially during times of crisis or when care-giving requires a family member to leave paid employment.
The organization highlighted that the proposed changes would provide much-needed financial relief for ALICE—asset-limited, income-constrained, employed—families, who are employed but earn too little to meet basic living costs.
The 2024 State of ALICE in Hawaii report showed that 40 % of Hawaii's residents are considered ALICE, and 15 % of households are struggling with the financial costs of caregiving for someone other than a child.
Woo also advocated for the passage of the Paid Family &Medical Leave program, arguing that paid leave benefits children by supporting their parents.
She cited research through HCAN showing that states with paid family leave enjoy significant health, social and economic benefits, particularly for working women, who are healthier, more economically secure and more likely to remain in the workforce.
The bill would provide up to 12 weeks of parental, care-giving, deployment or safe leave per year, along with up to 26 weeks of medical leave, in line with Hawaii's law on temporary disability insurance.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Forbes
37 minutes ago
- Forbes
With A Few Words, Indiana Changed The Landscape For Educational Entrepreneurs
With eighteen words tucked into a 37-page education bill, the Indiana state legislature took a major step towards easing the lives of educational entrepreneurs. Those words? 'A public school, charter school, or nonpublic school shall be considered a permitted use in all zoning districts.' While that might not seem like much, according to educational entrepreneurs, it removes one of the major barriers to starting a new school. For some background, an educator cannot simply open a new school anywhere they want. Different plots of land are zoned differently and siting a school on a plot of land can require reaching out to the local planning authority for permission. In some parts of Indiana prior to this year (and in states all across the country to this day) local municipalities were able to restrict schools from operating in areas under their zoning control. What's more, as a report about Florida by the Teach Coalition documented, some localities regulate private schools differently than public schools, creating far more hoops for private schools looking to open. In many municipalities, educators need to file for a 'change of use' permit (sometimes called a 'variance' or 'conditional use permit') before they are able to operate a school, asking planning authorities to grant them the opportunity to operate there. This requires school leaders to go before a zoning board, city council, or other authorities that do not have to approve their application. These bodies routinely request copious documentation from architects, engineers, traffic analysts, and others in order to win their support. There can be hearings, often with opportunity for public comment, site visits, and more. All of this takes time and money and does not necessarily lead to a yes from the authorities. And, because the criteria can be so ambiguous, school leaders are at the mercy of boards with lots of reasons to deny an application if they want to. For example, schools can be denied on aesthetic grounds, with their facility deemed 'incompatible' by a planning board. But compatibility is in the eye of the beholder, and in practice this gives boards a catchall mechanism to say no. The incentives of the situation are such that boards are more likely to be punished for saying yes to something that they shouldn't have than for saying no to something that they should. When a building deemed an eyesore or one that mucks up traffic gets built, people ask 'who let that happen?' But if students spread between a bunch of different schools are getting a subpar education because they don't have better options, there is not one person or body to blame. Thus the risk aversion. As a result, planners' scales start tipped towards no, and educators have to push a stone uphill to change their minds. Indiana did away with all of this. By moving schools, of all types, into 'by right' zoning status, educators don't need to go through the approval process. Usually by simply filing the appropriate paperwork with planning authorities, schools are able to operate. Boards do not have a veto, so there is no need for hearings, and more certainty for school leaders. To be clear, 'by right' zoning does not suddenly make everything into a free for all. Schools still have to abide by zoning regulations, there is simply an affirmative understanding that they are permitted to do what they are doing until someone can demonstrate otherwise. Rather than having to convince authorities that they are compliant, authorities would have to actively seek out issues to block their progress. Moving schools to 'by right' zoning does not fix all of the issues that educational entrepreneurs, especially those that are looking to start smaller schools, encounter when trying to get started. Many municipalities treat any institution with more than five unrelated children attending them for a regular period of time to be 'schools' and subject them to the same regulations as a 1000-student high school. Whether it is fire suppression, parking mandates, fencing, lot size, designated recreation space, or more, there is little flexibility for small school operations looking to use unconventional, but perfectly appropriate, facilities. Utah took a big step to deal with these issues last year with the passage of SB 13. That legislation allowed for schools of less than 100 students to be classed as businesses permitted to open in all zones in the state. They would be subject to the International Building Code, the standard for commercial properties that does not have the same requirements as the code for school buildings. What moving schools to 'by right' zoning does do is ease confusion and establish a baseline level of certainty. Whereas big property developers have the time and resources to make change of use applications and win some and lose some, educators do not. They do not have the money lying around to conduct traffic studies, let alone to conduct studies that eventually comes to nothing. Add in architectural reports, engineering reports, and more, and one can easily see that the risk is far too great. Indiana made a big step towards changing that. States like Indiana have made substantial investments in the demand side of school choice, dramatically increasing the supports available to families to choose their child's school. But, if states do not put the same effort (or possibly more!) into the supply side of school choice, there will not be enough options for those parents to choose.
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
California's biggest virtual power plant may get a funding reprieve
California's premier 'virtual power plant' program is already reducing the state's reliance on polluting, costly fossil-fueled power plants. And that's just the start of what the scattered network of solar and batteries could do to stymie rising utility costs — if the state Legislature can stave off funding cuts to the program, that is. So finds a new analysis from consultancy The Brattle Group on the potential of the statewide Demand Side Grid Support (DSGS) program to help California's stressed-out grid keep up with growing electricity demand. The program pays households and businesses that already own solar panels and batteries to send their stored-up clean power back to the grid during times of peak demand, like hot summer evenings. Continuing the program's payments to those customers to make their stored energy available could save all California utility customers anywhere from $28 million to $206 million over the next four years, the report found. The findings come as state lawmakers attempt to rescue the DSGS program from a new round of funding cuts. Last year, California lawmakers slashed DSGS spending to deal with an unexpected budget shortfall. The situation is still troubled this year, and Democratic Gov. Gavin Newsom has proposed defunding the program further, leaving it little money to pay participants beyond this year. But the program could regain its financial footing if newly introduced legislation becomes law. This week, California Assemblymember Jacqui Irwin, a Democrat, released draft legislation that would allocate money to DSGS from the state's much-contested Greenhouse Gas Reduction Fund, which is supported by payments from polluting companies. That draft legislation calls for depositing 5% of revenue collected by electric utilities for that fund into a new account to finance DSGS from 2026 to 2034. Lawmakers don't have much time to move the proposal forward, with the state's legislative session ending Sept. 12. Saving the program would be a win for reducing the state's sky-high utility costs, according to Ryan Hledik, a principal at Brattle and coauthor of the report. 'It's cheaper to pay customers to provide grid resources from technology they've already adopted than it is to go invest capital in new stuff,' he said, including the fossil-fueled generators now used to meet peak grid needs. California has already committed billions of dollars on emergency backup generators and on keeping aging fossil-gas-fired power plants open past their planned closure dates, he noted. The high end of the savings DSGS could provide is based on the assumption that it 'would be a substitute for spending money on more expensive emergency resources,' he said. At the same time, DSGS could also bring down the 'resource adequacy' payments shelled out by California utilities, community choice aggregators, and other power providers to secure enough grid resources to meet peak demand in future years. Those costs have been rising in California, though not as drastically as they have in other parts of the country. Since its launch in 2023, the battery program Brattle analyzed, which is one of the four options for customers to participate in DSGS, has grown to a collective 700 megawatts of capacity. The report forecasts the program could nearly double its current capacity to reach 1.3 gigawatts by 2028, covering roughly half the total residential distributed-battery capacity expected to be online in the state by then. That won't happen without state funding for the program, however — and though some state lawmakers are attempting to save DSGS's funding, it remains unclear if the money will be there for future years. Relief on the way? If Irwin's proposed provision becomes law, it would supply roughly $70 million to $90 million per year to DSGS over the next five years, said Brad Heavner, executive director of the California Solar and Storage Association. DSGS needs at least $75 million this year to operate in 2026, according to a letter sent to California lawmakers on Tuesday by 35 companies, trade groups, and advocacy organizations active in solar, batteries, on-site generators, and demand response, including Heavner's group. The amount of funding dedicated under the proposed legislation 'won't be enough for all the program activity we expect — but it will be enough to have a core program,' he said. DSGS's cost-effectiveness, demonstrated by the Brattle analysis, should give lawmakers confidence that the money isn't being wasted, Heavner said. 'It's great that the Brattle study finds there's a two-for-one benefit — every dollar spent here saves two dollars' for utility customers across the state, he said. Brattle's research was funded by Sunrun and Tesla, two companies with longtime programs that sign up customers to make their excess battery capacity available for grid services. Both firms benefit from initiatives that boost the value of the rooftop solar and battery systems they sell to households in California and beyond. But the study also matches broader research on how virtual power plants can reduce blackout risks and electricity price spikes on U.S. grids. VPPs are collections of homes and businesses with smart thermostats, grid-responsive EV chargers, water heaters, and other appliances that can reduce how much power they're using, as well as rooftop solar-charged batteries or generators that can push power back to the grid as needed. Under the Biden administration, the U.S. Department of Energy found that the hundreds of billions of dollars that consumers spend on EVs, rooftop solar systems, batteries, smart thermostats, and other appliances could provide 80 to 160 gigawatts of VPP capacity by 2030, enough to meet 10% to 20% of U.S. peak grid needs and save about $10 billion in annual utility costs. (The Trump administration has removed this DOE report from the internet, but archived versions are available.) VPPs also pass the eye test: They've helped avoid blackouts in Puerto Rico, New England, and California this summer. States including Colorado and Virginia have passed laws or created regulations requiring utilities to expand VPPs. DSGS, for its part, has 'scaled in a way that folks can no longer poke holes in its reliability,' said Lauren Nevitt, Sunrun's senior director of public policy. Sunrun has dispatched hundreds of megawatts from its customers' batteries in California so far this summer, all during hours of the evening when wholesale electricity prices spike above $200 per megawatt-hour. In a two-hour experiment last month, Sunrun and Tesla dispatched 535 megawatts of battery power to the grid in what utility Pacific Gas & Electric called 'the largest test of its kind ever done in California — and maybe the world.' Lining up a steady source of funding for years to come would give these participating companies confidence that their investments in DSGS won't be left stranded by future budget cuts, Heavner said — and encourage even more investment going forward. VPPs on the rise Pressure to curb energy costs is particularly acute in California, where residential customers of the state's three major utilities now pay roughly twice the national average for their power and where rates rose 47% from 2019 to 2023. It is also among the best-positioned states to take advantage of VPPs to rein in those costs. California leads the country in rooftop solar, backup battery, and EV adoption, and a 2024 Brattle analysis found that VPPs could provide more than 15% of the state's peak grid demand by 2035, delivering $550 million in annual utility customer savings. DSGS is only one of a number of VPP options available in California. But advocates say it's by far the most successful in a state that's seen mixed progress on VPPs to date. In the past five years, stop-and-start policies from the California Public Utilities Commission have reduced overall capacity from demand-response programs that pay utility customers to turn down their electricity use to relieve grid stress. DSGS, which is run by the California Energy Commission, has grown rapidly due to a combination of factors, said Edson Perez, who leads California legislative and political engagement for clean-energy trade group Advanced Energy United. It's available to residents across the state, rather than being limited to individual utility territories and programs. It also has relatively simple enrollment and participation rules compared to many other programs, he said. It can be tricky to quantify the costs and benefits of these kinds of programs compared to traditional utility investments in power plants or large-scale solar and battery systems. But Brattle's new report is the 'first analysis of what its value is out in the field,' he said, and the results show 'it's very cost-effective.' Solar-charged batteries are also much less polluting than the state's other emergency grid-relief resources, he said. DSGS is one of a set of emergency programs launched after California experienced rolling blackouts during summer heat waves in 2020 and more heat-wave-driven grid emergencies in 2022. But most of the billions of dollars in emergency funding have gone to fossil-fueled generators. California had spent about $443 million on state-managed generators that burn fossil gas or diesel fuel as of December 2024, and has committed about $1.2 billion to keep fossil-gas-fired "peaker' plants in Southern California open until 2026, well past their scheduled 2020 closure date. 'We're in a statewide affordability crisis,' Perez said. 'Leveraging existing resources out there drives down costs for everyone.' Solve the daily Crossword


Boston Globe
3 hours ago
- Boston Globe
Everyone wins in Trump-Wu clash — except immigrants
Get The Gavel A weekly SCOTUS explainer newsletter by columnist Kimberly Atkins Stohr. Enter Email Sign Up It was a perfect political performance — not just for Wu but also for the Trump administration. Advertisement Since President Trump took office, Boston and its mayor have become the perfect targets for a Trump administration looking to please a base that scorns liberal cities and their impractical policies. Likewise, when Trump attacks, Wu gets to position herself as the city's savior against a hostile regime. But this mutually beneficial feud does little to address legitimate immigration policy issues. The more Wu taunts Trump to build up her own political standing, the more she risks a harsher backlash against the city — and the state's vulnerable migrant population. Advertisement The federal government has the right to deport unauthorized immigrants. Cities and towns can choose not to help the government. In both cases, Massachusetts politicians are right to call out the Trump administration's overzealous targeting of peaceable and productive migrants. But they lose credibility by ignoring nonsensical policies that endanger public safety by preventing cooperation between immigration authorities and police on civil detainers for criminal migrants. A civil detainer is a request to local authorities that they hold an immigrant in detention until federal agents can pick them up. Boston ignores detainers, even which is a big part of why the city is in Bondi's crosshairs. The state has also released migrants That's because in 2017, the Supreme Judicial Court ruled in Lunn v. Commonwealth that the Legislature would have to specifically authorize court officers to honor civil detainers to hold deportable immigrants, a decision that has been interpreted to apply to local police too. The Democratic-led Legislature has failed to do so, not even for unauthorized immigrants who have committed heinous crimes. That means if for any reason Boston officers pick up a convicted criminal who is also in the county illegally, they can't hold them solely on a federal civil detainer — no matter how much safer the community would be without them. Ed Davis, the former Boston Police commissioner who was front and center at Tuesday's press conference, acknowledged in an interview that the lack of cooperation between police and immigration authorities can pose a public safety risk. 'I think that it's logical when there are criminal charges against people that the police use every tool at their disposal, including the immigration law, to try to stop that behavior and remove the individuals responsible from their victims,' Davis told me, clarifying that he prefers that detainers are honored by local law enforcement for individuals convicted of serious crimes. Advertisement He also noted that criminal migrants often victimize members of their own community. Before the current restrictions on cooperation, 'I used to go to neighborhoods like East Boston. … I would explain the policy that we had [then], which was to use the immigration laws to deport really dangerous criminals, people that were preying on their own communities,' he said. 'And the immigrant communities in the city were supportive of that.' The Trump administration has made it clear that its priority is to deport criminal migrants, but 'collateral arrests' of other migrants can occur in the process — and it has said that risk is greater in sanctuary cities. 'If more agencies had just turned people over in a confined setting [law enforcement custody], we wouldn't be out in the community,' acting director of Immigration and Customs Enforcement Todd Lyons By allowing law enforcement to cooperate with immigration officials on cases that endanger public safety, Massachusetts leaders might just be able to decrease the number of federal agents out in the migrant communities they purport to protect. Advertisement Wu and her Democratic colleagues have ignored these gaps in the law. But it's far from a controversial take to support the deportation of migrants who have committed violent crimes. In fact, The Trump administration is choosing a maximalist approach both to send a message and to make a spectacle out of punishing liberal cities. But by ignoring impractical policies as she positions herself as a resistance figure, Wu plays into Trump's political hand — even while strengthening her own in the process. Carine Hajjar is a Globe Opinion columnist. She can be reached at