Who are Iran's allies? Would any help if the US joins Israel in its war?

RNZ News

6 hours ago

By Ali Mamouri of
Russia's President Vladimir Putin and Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sign a strategic partnership treaty during a ceremony following their talks at the Kremlin in Moscow on 17 January, 2025.
Photo:
AFP / SPUTNIK / VYACHESLAV PROKOFYEV
Analysis
- As Israel continues its attacks on Iran, US President Donald Trump and other global leaders are hardening their stance against the Islamic Republic.
While considering a US attack on Iran's nuclear sites, Trump has threatened Iran's supreme leader, claiming to know his location and calling him "an easy target". He has demanded "unconditional surrender" from Iran.
Meanwhile, countries such as Germany, Canada, the UK and Australia have toughened their rhetoric, demanding Iran fully abandon its nuclear programme.
As the pressure mounts on Iran, has it been left to fight alone? Or does it have allies that could come to its aid?
Iran has long relied on a network of allied paramilitary groups across the Middle East as part of its deterrence strategy. This approach has largely shielded it from direct military strikes by the US or Israel, despite constant threats and pressure.
This so-called 'axis of resistance' includes groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) in Iraq, the Houthi militants in Yemen, as well as Hamas in Gaza, which has long been under Iran's influence to varying degrees.
Iran also supported Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria, before it was toppled last year.
These groups have served both as a regional buffer and as a means for Iran to project power without direct engagement.
However, over the past two years, Israel has dealt significant blows to the network.
Hezbollah - once Iran's most powerful non-state ally - has been effectively neutralised after months of attacks by Israel. Its weapons stocks were systematically targeted and destroyed across Lebanon, and the group suffered a major psychological and strategic loss with the assassination of its most influential leader, Hassan Nasrallah.
In Syria, Iranian-backed militias have been largely expelled, following the fall of Assad's regime, stripping Iran of another key foothold in the region.
That said, Iran maintains strong influence in Iraq and Yemen.
The PMF in Iraq, with an estimated 200,000 fighters, remains formidable. The Houthis have a similarly sized contingent of fighters in Yemen.
Should the situation escalate into an existential threat to Iran - as the region's only Shiite-led state - religious solidarity could drive these groups to become actively involved. This would rapidly expand the war across the region.
For instance, the PMF could launch attacks on the 2500 US troops stationed in Iraq. Indeed, the head of Kata'ib Hezbollah, one of the PMF's more hardline factions, promised to do so.
"If America dares to intervene in the war, we will directly target its interests and military bases spread across the region without hesitation."
Iran itself could also target US bases in the Persian Gulf countries with ballistic missiles, as well as close the Strait of Hormuz, through which about 20 percent of the world's oil supply flows.
Several regional powers maintain close ties with Iran. The most notable among them is Pakistan - the only Islamic country with a nuclear arsenal.
For weeks, Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has tried to align Iran more closely with Pakistan in countering Israel's actions in Gaza.
In a sign of Pakistan's importance in the Israel-Iran war, Trump has met with the country's army chief in Washington, as he weighs a possible strike on its neighbour.
Pakistan's leaders have also made their allegiances very clear. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has offered Iran's president "unwavering solidarity" in the "face of Israel's unprovoked aggression" and Pakistani Defence Minister Khawaja Asif recently said, in an interview, Israel would "think many times before taking on Pakistan".
Pakistan's Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif
Photo:
AFP
These statements signal a firm stance, without explicitly committing to intervention.
Yet, Pakistan has also been working to de-escalate tensions. It has urged other Muslim-majority nations and its strategic partner, China, to intervene diplomatically, before the violence spirals into a broader regional war.
In recent years, Iran has also made diplomatic overtures to former regional rivals, such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, in order to improve relations.
These shifts have helped rally broader regional support for Iran. Nearly two dozen Muslim-majority countries - including some that maintain diplomatic relations with Israel - have jointly condemned Israel's actions and urged de-escalation.
It's unlikely, though, that regional powers such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Turkey would support Iran materially, given their strong alliances with the US.
Iran's key global allies - Russia and China - have also condemned Israel's strikes. They have previously shielded Tehran from punitive resolutions at the UN Security Council.
However, neither power appears willing - at least for now - to escalate the confrontation by providing direct military support to Iran, or engaging in a standoff with Israel and the US.
Theoretically, this could change, if the conflict widens and Washington openly pursues a regime change strategy in Tehran. Both nations have major geopolitical and security interests in Iran's stability.
This is due to Iran's longstanding 'Look East' policy, and the impact its instability could have on the region and the global economy.
However, at the current stage, many analysts believe both are unlikely to get involved directly.
Moscow stayed on the sidelines, when Assad's regime collapsed in Syria, one of Russia's closest allies in the region. Not only is it focused on its war in Ukraine, Russia also wouldn't want to endanger improving ties with the Trump administration.
China has offered Iran strong rhetorical support, but history suggests it has little interest in getting directly involved in Middle Eastern conflicts.
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Ali Mamouri is a Research Fellow of Middle East Studies at Deakin University.
This story first appeared on
The Conversation
.