Political protests paralyse Bangladesh daily life
Protests have become part of daily life in Bangladesh's capital, with residents either taking part as political parties jostle for power after an uprising last year -- or avoiding them.
The South Asian nation of around 170 million people has been in political turmoil since former prime minister Sheikh Hasina was ousted in August 2024, fleeing by helicopter as crowds stormed her palace.
Hasina's 15-year-long authoritarian rule contained protests like a pressure cooker, until the student-led movement spearheaded a revolt that toppled her from power.
On Wednesday, at least half a dozen demonstrations were held in the sprawling megacity of Dhaka, home to more than 20 million people.
This was a typical day, with the demonstrations ranging from political rallies and counter-protests, to worker strikes and celebrations at the release of an Islamist leader from death row.
"I got released this morning after being imprisoned for 14 years," A.T.M. Azharul Islam said, waving at thousands of supporters of the country's main Islamist party, Jamaat-e-Islami.
The tight-packed crowd cheered as the senior leader was released from a prison hospital in central Dhaka, a day after the Supreme Court overturned his death sentence and acquitted him of war crimes.
"There was no justice in the past... we expect the court will ensure that the people get justice in the coming days," Islam said.
Leftist parties say they will demonstrate in opposition to his release.
Across Ramna Park in the neighbourhood of Naya Paltan, thousands choked the streets as part of a rally in support of the Bangladesh National Party (BNP).
Political parties are readying for hugely anticipated elections which the interim government has vowed will take place by June 2026 at the latest.
- 'Unpredictable' -
While tens of thousands gather at major intersections across Dhaka with their demands, others spend hours navigating their way through traffic-snarled streets.
"All the major roads are blocked during the day," chicken seller Zakir Hossain said Wednesday.
"We've had to shift our schedules. I start work at midnight now, even though the law and order situation is worsening every day, and muggings have become common."
It worries many, remembering the violence last year when police tried -- and failed -- to crush the protests that toppled Hasina.
"The situation is unpredictable -- the protests can turn violent at any moment," said a 43-year-old housewife, asking not to be identified as her husband is a government employee.
"I never used to call my husband much, but now I do. If he is even a little late coming home from the office, all sorts of bad thoughts come to my mind."
Bangladesh's interim leader Muhammad Yunus, the 84-year-old Nobel Peace Prize winner who is leading the caretaker government as its chief adviser until elections are held, has called for parties to build unity and calm intense political power struggles.
The government warned on Saturday that "unreasonable demands" and obstruction had been "continuously obstructing" its work.
- 'A balance' -
Yunus has said polls could be held as early as December but that having them later would give the government more time for reform.
Rallies organised by the powerful BNP are calling for the government to set an election date, as well as a raft of other demands, including the sacking of multiple members of Yunus's cabinet.
In other protests, tax authority workers, angered at an overhaul of the body that would place it under the finance ministry's control, held a two-week partial strike.
That escalated on Sunday when security forces surrounded the national tax headquarters, before the government later backtracked on its reform.
Civil servants this week also demonstrated at the main government ministry complex to rally against orders changing employment rules -- which the government then said it will reconsider.
On the streets, the protests continue.
"Customers rarely come to the bank when they see the roads blocked," said bank manager Muhammed Sazzad.
While he supported the right to assemble, he suggested the government "could designate a specific area for protests".
Rakib Hasan Anik, a lecturer at the Bangladesh University of Professionals, said that "academic discipline is suffering", with students stuck in traffic and missing class.
"There needs to be a balance," he said. "We can only hope all sides reach a consensus that prioritises the public."
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Newsweek
29 minutes ago
- Newsweek
Hamas Ally Calls on Group to Accept 'Partial' Ceasefire in Gaza
Based on facts, either observed and verified firsthand by the reporter, or reported and verified from knowledgeable sources. A representative of a left-wing faction fighting alongside the Islamist Hamas movement in Gaza has told Newsweek his group is open to a temporary ceasefire in their war with Israel and called for greater efforts to establish a unity government among different Palestinian parties. Amid an apparent deadlock in Israel-Hamas negotiations being mediated by Egypt, Qatar and the United States, the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine (DFLP) issued a statement on Friday urging Hamas "to intensify efforts, in cooperation with the Arab mediators, to reach an agreement to halt the aggression—even if only for 60 days." The message, which emphasized "the grave dangers our people face if an immediate ceasefire is not achieved," came as Hamas said it was consulting with its allies on the path forward in talks. Hamas has demanded a deal that would provide stronger guarantees toward a lasting cessation of hostilities, a position the U.S. and Israel have dismissed. Speaking with Newsweek on Thursday, DFLP Political Bureau member Motasem Hamada explained that this statement "was an attempt by us to reach a 'partial step' that would guarantee a ceasefire, open the crossings, and meet the humanitarian needs of the Palestinian people in Gaza because we observed that living conditions had worsened and that the specter of famine was beginning to loom large." "Our call to Hamas coincided with other positions with which Hamas consulted," Hamada said, "and based on this position, it formulated its position, which was rejected by the Israelis and the Americans." Ultimately, Hamada said, the group seeks a solution based on United Nations Security Council resolution 2735, the measure put to a vote Wednesday and vetoed by the U.S., and is fighting to secure new governance that would include both top Palestinian factions, Hamas and Fatah, which leads the West Bank-based Palestinian National Authority. "We want an immediate ceasefire, unconditional aid for our people in the Gaza Strip (food, medicine, fuel, infrastructure, medical care, etc.), an Israeli withdrawal from the entire Gaza Strip, a meaningful prisoner exchange, and the return of the Gaza Strip to the jurisdiction of the Palestinian Authority under the administration of a national unity government." "This requires convincing both Fatah and Hamas," Hamada said, "and this is what we are working on." Newsweek has reached out to Hamas for comment. Newsweek also reached out to the IDF for comment. Palestinians, including a member of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, hold a demonstration in support of Gaza, in the West Bank city of Ramallah on April 5, 2024. Palestinians, including a member of the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, hold a demonstration in support of Gaza, in the West Bank city of Ramallah on April 5, 2024. Jaafar Ashtiyeh/AFP/Getty Images What is the DFLP? The DFLP was established in 1969 as a splinter of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), which was created two years earlier. Like the PFLP, the DFLP was organized along Marxist-Leninist lines, though its founders expressed opposition to the original group's embrace of Arab nationalist ideas and high-profile attacks as opposed to revolutionary ideology and mass mobilization. The DFLP has also been linked to major attacks against Israel and joined both the PFLP and Hamas in criticizing the 1990s Oslo peace accords. By this time, Hamas and its Islamist outlook had begun to eclipse the traditional left-wing and nationalist orientations of leading Palestinian parties, leading to its victory in the 2005 elections that paved the way for its 2007 takeover of Gaza in a violent clash with Fatah. Numerous attempts have been made to mend the Fatah-Hamas rivalry, including a dialogue hosted last June among Palestinian factions hosted by China, though without a breakthrough. Hamas today remains the most dominant group in Gaza, though a number of other influential factions continue to operate there. And while vast ideological differences exist among the groups in Gaza, the DFLP participated directly in the October 7, 2023, attack against Israel that sparked the current war. Israeli officials say around 1,200 people were killed in the surprise Palestinian assault and 251 taken hostages, 58 of are believed to still be in Gaza. The Palestinian Health Ministry in Gaza has estimated that more than 54,600 people have been killed amid the Israeli operations that ensued. Meanwhile, the DFLP's armed wing, known as the National Resistance Brigades or Martyr Omar Al-Qassem Forces, continues to conduct joint operations against the Israel Defense Forces (IDF). National Resistance Brigades spokesperson Abu Khaled claimed on Monday the detonation of an explosive device targeting a gathering of Israeli troops near a bulldozer in the town of Al-Qara, north of Khan Younis. Fighters from the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine's National Resistance Brigades walk in a tunnel in the southern Gaza Strip, on May 19, 2023. Fighters from the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine's National Resistance Brigades walk in a tunnel in the southern Gaza Strip, on May 19, 2023. SAID KHATIB/AFP/Getty Images The Deal at Hand The U.S. proposal, a draft of which was obtained by Newsweek, outlines a 60-day ceasefire, during which Hamas would release 10 living and 18 deceased hostages in exchange for 1,236 Palestinian prisoners and the bodies of 180 dead Palestinians held by Israel in two transfers conducted on the first and seventh days of the truce period. In addition to resuming the flow of international humanitarian aid into Gaza, the proposal also called for the initiation of new negotiations aimed at achieving a permanent ceasefire. The deal does not, however, provide a U.S. guarantee that Israel would agree to a final resolution, something for which Hamas has repeatedly called. "Upon careful examination, it is clear that the Israeli response fundamentally seeks to entrench the occupation and perpetuate policies of killing and starvation, even during what is supposed to be a period of temporary de-escalation," Hamas Political Bureau member and spokesperson Basem Naim said in a statement shared with Newsweek last Tuesday. "The response fails to meet any of the just and legitimate demands of our people," he added, "among them an immediate cessation of hostilities and an end to the humanitarian catastrophe unfolding in Gaza." Following criticism of Hamas' position by President Donald Trump's Middle East envoy, Steve Witkoff, who is presiding over the talks, as well as the DFLP's plea, Naim clarified in a follow-up statement on Saturday that his rejection was aimed at Israel's position, not the U.S. proposal itself. "We now responded positively and responsibly in a manner that fulfilled the minimum of demands and aspirations of our people, (1st to guarantee the 60 days of cease fire will be respected by Israel and proper and sufficient influx of aid into Gaza, 2nd guarantees for negotiations that leads to end the war on Gaza)," Naim said at the time. The United Nations and a growing number of international powers have also demanded an immediate ceasefire without conditions, with 14 of the 15 representatives at the Security Council gathering Wednesday voting in favor of the measure, leaving the U.S. as the sole opponent. Smoke billows during an Israeli strike on the Gaza Strip on June 5, 2025, amid the ongoing war between Israel and the Palestinian militant movement Hamas. Smoke billows during an Israeli strike on the Gaza Strip on June 5, 2025, amid the ongoing war between Israel and the Palestinian militant movement Hamas. JACK GUEZ/AFP/Getty Images 'The Day After' While Israel and Hamas fail to reach a resolution in the ceasefire and hostage release negotiations being held in Qatar, questions continue to surround the future of Gaza even in the event that hostilities are halted. The U.S. and Israel have stated that Hamas must be removed from power. The two allies have rallied behind President Donald Trump's vision for the U.S. to assume control of Gaza in order to pursue reconstruction, real estate development and the resettlement of the territory's roughly two million residents, a proposal rejected by all Palestinian parties as well as the region and other major powers. In March interviews with Newsweek, Israeli Deputy Consul General in New York Tsach Saar said that neither Hamas nor Israel, which previously occupied Gaza from 1967 through 2005, would be in control of the territory in the long run. "It's not for us to determine who is going to be there the day after [the war is over]," Saar told Newsweek on Monday. "We are making sure that it's not going to be Hamas. And when Hamas is defeated, we will have to work together with our allies, with regional the countries, surrounding countries, neighboring countries to find a solution for the day after." "But as long as Hamas is there, and unfortunately, it is still alive and kicking, kicking its own people, of course, also it is hard to work on the day after," he added. "But now we're focused on the mission of elimination as Hamas is the organization that is controlling the Gaza Strip both militarily and in governance." Hamada, for his part, said that "the 'day after' in the Gaza Strip is of great concern to us in the Democratic Front for the Liberation of Palestine, as it is an integral part of the territory of the Palestinian state recognized by the United Nations General Assembly in Resolution 67/19, based on the June 4, 1967 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital." He argued that some progress was made toward achieving a united for bringing Gaza back under a joint Palestinian government during the conference held in China last June but argued that the Palestinian National Authority continued to hold out for fear of the international backlash over bringing Hamas back into the fold. "We succeeded in the Palestinian National Dialogue in Beijing in June of last year in formulating a comprehensive national position based on the formation of a national consensus government composed of competent, independent and competent Palestinian national figures, providing the necessary resources to manage the affairs of the West Bank and Gaza Strip and cooperate with the official Arab framework for the reconstruction of the Strip," Hamada said. "It is clear that the decision did not take effect, but rather stalled, due to the refusal of the official Palestinian leadership in Ramallah to form a national consensus government, lest it anger Israel and the United States, given that Hamas remains on the terrorist list." The U.S. State Department removed the DFLP's terrorist organization designation in 1999, "primarily because of the absence of terrorist activity, as defined by relevant law," for at least two years. Without a Palestinian mandate, Hamada said the DFLP was not opposed to the proposal drawn up by Egypt and endorsed by the Arab League in March as an alternative to Trump's plan. This framework would establish an administrative committee comprised of independent Palestinian experts tasked with leading Gaza until the territory could be handed back to a reformed Palestinian National Authority. "We did not take a negative stance on this idea, as we believe there is still a chance to form a national unity government and reach a comprehensive national position, centered on a government agreed upon by all factions," Hamada said. "This would block the remaining solutions proposed by American President Trump or Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu." U.S. and Israeli officials have, however, dismissed the Arab initiative, arguing that it did not sufficiently address the realities on the ground in Gaza. Displaced Palestinians walk along a road to receive humanitarian aid packages from a U.S.-backed foundation in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on June 5, 2025. Displaced Palestinians walk along a road to receive humanitarian aid packages from a U.S.-backed foundation in Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip on June 5, 2025. AFP/Getty Images The Syria Question While much of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is centered around the events in Gaza, the broader war has reverberated across the region. Iran-aligned factions in Lebanon, Iraq, Syria and Yemen all joined the battle from abroad in support of Hamas, with the Islamic Republic itself also twice exchanging direct fire with Israel as tensions boiled over. Amid the unrest, and just as Israel and the Lebanese Hezbollah movement signed a ceasefire, an Islamist-led coalition of insurgents launched a surprise attack in Syria. The lightning offensive ultimately toppled President Bashar al-Assad, a longtime ally of Iran, as well as the DFLP, which maintains a presence in Syria. The rise of Syria's new leader, Interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, a former Al-Qaeda associate who has renounced jihadi ties in recent years, has brought new uncertainties over the country's role in the region. While facing regular Israeli air and ground attacks, Sharaa has called for easing tensions with Israel and has even opened the door for potentially normalizing ties, though Israeli officials have expressed skepticism. At the same time, the new Syrian government has reportedly cracked down on several Palestinian factions involved in the war in Gaza, including Palestinian Islamic Jihad and another PFLP splinter, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command. Hamada, however, stated that the DFLP has maintained its relationship with the new rulers of Damascus and expects to do so for the foreseeable future. "With the new political regime in Damascus, our situation, as a democratic front, remains the same," Hamada said. "We did not interfere during the era of President Assad, nor did we interfere during the era of President Sharaa. We have been refugees in Syria since 1948, and we do not have any military formations in Syria." "Our headquarters, clubs, and social centers engage in social work, serving youth, women, and children, and defending the right of return for Palestinian refugees under Resolution 194," he added. "Our headquarters remained as they were before December 8, 2024, and we have not perceived any negative positions toward the Democratic Front from the new political regime." He attributed this position to the DFLP having taken "the correct position" in Syria's civil war that erupted in 2011, having "refused to drown in Syrian blood and we have refused for our Palestinian people in Syria to be a party to Syrian disputes." "We have a cause: the Palestinian cause," Hamada said, "and these are the political borders within which we operate."


The Intercept
an hour ago
- The Intercept
Trump Travel Ban Punishes Victims of the U.S. War Machine
President Donald Trump on Wednesday signed a proclamation banning travelers from 12 countries from entering the United States and partially restricting visitors from seven other nations. 'We will restore the travel ban, some people call it the Trump travel ban, and keep the radical Islamic terrorists out of our country that was upheld by the Supreme Court,' wrote Trump in a written statement. The restriction goes into effect on Monday, June 9. The full ban applies to foreign nationals from Afghanistan, Burma, Chad, the Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Haiti, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. The partial ban applies to people from Burundi, Cuba, Laos, Sierra Leone, Togo, Turkmenistan, and Venezuela. In a video address posted on social media, Trump said a recent terror attack in Boulder, Colorado, 'underscored the extreme dangers posed to our country by the entry of foreign nationals who are not properly vetted, as well as those who come here as temporary visitors and overstay their visas.' He added, 'We don't want 'em.' The man charged with that attack is from Egypt, which is not one of the countries listed in the travel ban. The list overlaps with the sites of U.S. military and CIA misadventures stretching back more than a century, including Afghanistan, Cuba, Haiti, Iran, Laos, Libya, Somalia, and Yemen. The inclusion of Afghanistan angered many who have worked to resettle its people in America. The travel ban makes exceptions for Afghans on Special Immigrant Visas, or SIV — a classification granted to people who worked closely with the U.S. government during the two-decade-long war there. That still leaves many former allies and their families on the outside looking in. The ban also comes as the Department of Homeland Security's termination of Temporary Protected Status, or TPS, for Afghanistan is scheduled to take effect on July 14, 2025. During America's chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan, the U.S. government helped evacuate around 80,000 Afghans who aided U.S. forces, ranging from interpreters to CIA-trained fighters and their families, including members of so-called Zero Units implicated in the killings of civilians. Afghanistan was also one of the largest sources of resettled refugees, with about 14,000 arrivals in a 12-month period through September 2024. Trump suspended refugee resettlement on his first day back in office. Andrew Sullivan, a U.S. Army veteran and the executive director of No One Left Behind, which advocates on behalf of SIV applicants, expressed gratitude for the Trump administration's exemption for Afghan Special Immigrant Visa holders. 'However, there are still many allies who served shoulder-to-shoulder with the United States who are being left behind because they do not qualify for the SIV program,' he said. 'This includes those who were injured in the line of duty and were unable to complete a full year of service, the women and men of the Afghan National Army who trained and served with U.S. Special Forces, and many more.' 'People in other nations fall victim to the same cycle — trusting U.S. promises, only to be abandoned when perceived strategic interests shift.' Trump's Afghan abandonment isn't unique, however. It follows in a long tradition of American desertion of wartime allies that includes partners from Southeast Asia — like Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia — to the Middle East. 'This isn't a Trump-era phenomenon; it's a pattern that spans decades, from Vietnam to Afghanistan and from Kurds to Ukrainians,' said Erik Sperling of Just Foreign Policy, an advocacy group critical of mainstream Washington foreign policy. 'It's no secret that ostensible American partners in the developing world often end up worse off as a result of Washington's actions. Yet time and again, people in other nations fall victim to the same cycle — trusting U.S. promises, only to be abandoned when perceived strategic interests shift.' Afghanistan was not part of Trump's first-term travel ban but, in the time since, fell to the Taliban when the U.S. withdrew its forces in 2021 under the Biden administration. This resulted from a peace deal with the Taliban signed by the Trump administration in 2020. Trump wrote that Afghanistan 'lacks a competent or cooperative central authority for issuing passports or civil documents and it does not have appropriate screening and vetting measures.' He also cited its visa overstay rates as a reason for the nation's inclusion in the new travel ban. Sullivan said many U.S. allies would be harmed by the restrictions. 'They stood by us in war but now face danger because of their service with no clear way out,' he told The Intercept. 'We must keep our promise to them as well.' Earlier this week, around 100 members of Congress called on the Trump Administration to reverse its decision to end TPS for Afghans. 'This decision is devastating for resettled Afghan nationals in the United States who have fled widespread violence, economic instability, challenging humanitarian conditions, and human rights abuses in their home country,' they wrote, noting that it would negatively impact approximately 9,000 Afghan nationals. 'Many of these Afghans fearlessly served as strong allies to the United States military during the war in Afghanistan, and we cannot blatantly disregard their service. We respectfully ask that you redesignate Afghanistan for TPS to ensure Afghan nationals in the U.S. are not forced to return to devastating humanitarian, civic, and economic conditions.' Sperling said the United States should be upfront about its history of abandoning its partners when they outlive their usefulness. 'If American policymakers are serious about building durable soft power around the world, they should reckon with this history and ensure that future allies understand the risks before taking U.S. advice,' he told The Intercept, noting that America's latest exercise in ally abandonment may have far reaching consequences. 'Many Afghans reasonably relied on U.S. promises and put their trust in the U.S.-backed plans for their country,' he said. 'Turning our back on them now is both immoral as well as a strategic blunder that will undermine U.S. interests in the region for the foreseeable future.'


Time Magazine
an hour ago
- Time Magazine
Supreme Court Unanimously Sides With Straight Woman In ‘Reverse Discrimination' Case
Lawsuits for 'reverse discrimination' will face an easier path after the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously sided on Thursday with a woman who argued that she was passed over for a promotion and later demoted because she is straight. The court's ruling is a departure from previous court decisions that have set a higher bar in cases where people who are part of a majority group, such as those who are white and straight, filed lawsuits alleging discrimination under federal civil rights law. But the Supreme Court said in its ruling that Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which prohibits employment discrimination based on race and sexual orientation, among other characteristics, 'draws no distinctions between majority-group plaintiffs and minority-group plaintiffs. Rather, the provision makes it unlawful 'to fail or refuse to hire or to discharge any individual, or otherwise to discriminate against any individual with respect to his compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment, because of such individual's race, color, religion, sex, or national origin.'' 'By establishing the same protections for every 'individual'—without regard to that individual's membership in a minority or majority group—Congress left no room for courts to impose special requirements on majority-group plaintiffs alone,' Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson wrote for the court. The case was brought by Marlean Ames against the Ohio Department of Youth Services, where she started working in 2004. In 2019, she applied for a promotion, but was turned down and a colleague with less seniority—who was a lesbian woman—received the promotion instead. Ames was later demoted and her previous role was given to another colleague who had less seniority, a gay man. She sued under Title VII, alleging in her lawsuit that she was denied the promotion and then demoted due to her sexual orientation. Her supervisors, however, said Ames was passed over for the promotion because she didn't have the vision and leadership skills needed for the role and demoted because they had concerns about her leadership skills. Lower courts had previously ruled against Ames, saying her lawsuit failed to demonstrate 'background circumstances to support the suspicion that the defendant is that unusual employer who discriminates against the majority.' But the Supreme Court ruled that requirement was 'not consistent with Title VII's text or our case law construing the statute.'