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The Diplomat
2 hours ago
- Politics
- The Diplomat
Awami League Leader Kamal Hossain Looks Back on Bangladesh in the Year Gone By
'We have lost power to a conspiracy, but AL leaders and workers are united. We will take the fight to the streets.' It's been almost a year since Bangladesh's Awami League government was ousted from power, and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina flew out of Dhaka to take refuge in India. An interim government was appointed days later. There were great expectations when Muhammad Yunus took charge as its chief advisor. However, the rise of Muslim fundamentalist forces, deteriorating law and order, and widespread mob violence have roiled Bangladesh over the past year. Yunus has promised elections in February 2026, but the Awami League (AL), whose political activities were recently banned, seems unlikely to be allowed to contest the elections. In an interview with The Diplomat's Snigdhendu Bhattacharya, SM Kamal Hossain, a central organizing secretary of the AL and a member of the parliament that was dissolved after the AL government's ouster on August 5, 2024, shares his view of the events leading to the government's collapse and developments in Bangladesh over the past year. Speaking from an undisclosed location, he told Bhattacharya that a U.S. 'conspiracy' led to the toppling of the Hasina government – a claim commonly made by Awami League leaders, but strongly rejected by protest leaders and U.S. officials. Instead, student leaders say their protest movement only escalated to the point of demanding Hasina's ouster due to public outrage over the heavy-handed security response by her AL government. Hossain admitted that there were instances of 'terror, intimidation, corruption and other malpractices' during AL rule. However, 'our government's rule has been comparatively better than the rest,' he claimed, adding, 'There is no rule of law now.' How do you look back at the past year? The July 2024 protests were nothing but a conspiracy between fascists and terrorists. With the help of a foreign power, they trampled the constitution and unconstitutionally and illegally overthrew the secular government that embodied the spirit of the 1971 Liberation War. In May 2024, Hasina had said that she has been fighting at home and outside; at home, the communal forces — terror groups and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP)-Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) combine, and abroad, a foreign power that was never happy with the very creation of Bangladesh, never liked the rise of Bangladesh, and wanted to use Bangladesh's soil for influencing the sub-continent. They hatched a conspiracy. Bangladesh has been turned into a terror hub since then. Are you calling it a U.S.-hatched conspiracy? Yes. The United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) report on the July violence said the AL government's 'brutal systematic repression' led to about 1,400 deaths. What do you think of so many deaths in just three weeks? Two of Bangladesh's leading media houses, The Daily Star and Prothom Alo, put the death toll between July 16 and August 4 at 329 and between August 5 and 8 at 328. A total of 657 deaths were reported. The U.N.'s preliminary report gave a similar figure, speaking of about 650 deaths. However, after Chief Advisor Yunus spoke of 1,500 deaths, the UNHRC, too, came up with this figure of 1,400. Does the figure of 657 make the tragedy any lighter? No. Every death is a death after all. Hasina never wanted a mother to lose her child. Who is responsible for these deaths? Hasina has called for an independent probe by the United Nations. The Yunus government's first home affairs advisor, Brigadier (Retd.) Shakhawat Hussain, had pointed out that 7.62 mm rifles (a firearm only security forces are supposed to use) were in the hands of civilians. So, the deaths need to be seriously investigated. Besides, of the 328 killings between August 5 and 8, as many as 122 victims were directly associated with our party. We want justice for all the killings. Regarding the killings between July 16 and August 4, couldn't the Hasina government and the AL have been more restrained and dealt with the situation more sensitively? We showed tolerance and patience. It was only to avoid a confrontation that our party postponed a rally that had been planned on August 1. We had also called for a massive gathering in Dhaka on August 3. We planned to mobilize a million people at the rally. But we shelved the plan, only to avoid confrontation. Had we gone ahead with the Dhaka gathering, we could have avoided the mob-led toppling of the government. They wouldn't have succeeded in removing us from power. Do you think your government fell because of a softened approach? Had we stood firm organizationally, had we gone ahead with the August 3 rally, they (protesters) would not have reached anywhere close to the prime minister's residence. So, why did you back out of the August 3 program? Hasina had likely received inputs from some quarters that the rally could lead to bloodshed. She wanted to avoid bloodshed. We wanted a peaceful solution. One of the biggest allegations against your party is that it handed Bangladesh over to India. Let me give you one example. The current Finance Advisor (de facto minister) has told the media that India's cancellation of transshipment facilities has led to cost escalation to the tune of Tk 2,000 crore ($164 million). India is our friend. We have blood relations with India. In 1971, the Indian Army fought shoulder to shoulder with Bangladesh's Mukti Bahini (liberation army). The Indian Army shed blood for Bangladesh's cause. West Bengal (the eastern Indian state that borders Bangladesh) gave shelter to 10 million people from Bangladesh. India's then-prime minister, Indira Gandhi, and all of India's opposition parties stood by Bangladesh. India is our political and economic friend. The misinformation campaign branding us as India's agents has existed for a long time. When 'Bangabandhu' Sheikh Mujibur Rahman placed his famous Six-point Demand (in 1966 when Bangladesh was still East Pakistan), it was dubbed an Indian conspiracy. After Independence, they dubbed the India-Bangladesh Treaty of 1972 as akin to accepting India's slavery. But they never cancelled it even after capturing power through Mujib's murder (in 1975). They ran the country for 28 years thereafter. As for the Yunus government, it has not canceled any agreement with India either. During the AL's rule, organizations like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch issued repeated statements denouncing violations of human rights, including in cases of forced disappearance, death in allegedly staged encounters, and mass arrests of opposition party leaders and workers. Why were these organizations prompted to issue repeated statements? Why did human rights violations become such an important issue during your party's rule? That's because the media was free during our rule. Today, the media has no freedom to publish all that is happening. During our time, television talk shows that sharply criticized the government were more numerous. Now, the media has been paralyzed. Press accreditation of 168 journalists has been cancelled. Eight journalists have been killed, nearly a hundred have been injured, and nearly a thousand journalists have lost their jobs. Journalists have been sacked for questioning a government advisor who holds ministerial status. I wouldn't say that our rule did not see terror, intimidation, corruption and other malpractices; but our government's rule has been comparatively better than the rest. There is no rule of law now. One (student leader-turned-advisor) entered the airport carrying a magazine of a firearm! Had this occurred in our time, the person would have landed in jail. Now, it's just mob terror all around. Only a few days ago, BNP workers publicly disrobed a Hindu woman. Today, Bangladesh stands as disrobed as that Hindu woman. Even during AL rule, journalists like Tasneem Khalil and Zulkarnain Saer were forced to work from outside the country. Why? If someone tries to create unrest in the country using false information, the government has to act. The election schedule has been announced, but AL leaders are either in hiding or in jail. What's your plan? Only time can tell. We believe the people of Bangladesh will give a befitting reply to the conspirators who handed the country over to fascist and terrorist-led mob rule. They will respond on the streets. It may appear that we are in disarray, terrorized, and our leaders are living in hiding. But as much as 52 percent of the country is living in fear, surveys have shown. We have lost power to a conspiracy, but AL leaders and workers are united. We will take the fight to the streets. Shouldn't the AL apologize to the people of Bangladesh? Has the issue come up in party discussions? Apology is a non-issue. We feel that Hasina tried to take the country in the best direction for 15 years. Some of the activities of workers like us have triggered controversies. It is up to her to decide how to deal with these issues when she addresses the people of the country. Mistakes can't be ruled out. None is beyond mistakes. But first, we have to figure out what our mistakes were. We are discussing it, but we can't make them public now. All we can say now is that we are victims of a conspiracy and the conspiracy has hurt our trust. Even if there had been irregularities, corruption and terrorization during our rule, why has the new Bangladesh not been freed from discrimination? Why are AL workers, why are the people who carry the spirit of the Liberation War, being targeted by mobs? Why are the minorities being subjected to atrocities? Their fight against us was for a better Bangladesh, right? There appears to be little chance for your party to take part in the coming election. How would you fight back? People have realized that they have been duped. That's why they (opponents) don't want AL to be in the electoral field. If they don't, we'll cross the bridge as it comes.
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First Post
12 hours ago
- Politics
- First Post
Is Bangladesh's Jamaat setting up BNP for a ban before polls?
Jamaat-e-Islami appears to be strategically isolating its long-time ally, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party read more (File) Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) supporters gather near the chief adviser's residence in Dhaka, demanding BNP's Ishraque Hossain as the capital's mayor. Bangladesh's key political party are holding large-scale protests against the interim government, as the political rows spill onto the streets including demands for an election date. AFP The once robust political alliance between the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and Jamaat-e-Islami (JeI) is now showing signs of deep fracture, prompting speculation that Jamaat may be orchestrating a political manoeuvre to isolate, discredit and eventually ban the BNP ahead of the upcoming national elections. Recent developments suggest a calculated strategy by the Islamist party to sideline its long-time ally and emerge as a dominant political force. Rising acrimony between allies Tensions between the BNP and Jamaat have escalated sharply in recent weeks. Jamaat has reportedly threatened to push for a ban on the BNP despite decades of political partnership rooted in shared opposition to the Awami League. This unexpected rupture signals a broader power shift within Bangladesh's Islamist and nationalist opposition blocs following the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government in 2024 and the rise of an interim administration led by Nobel laureate Muhammad Yunus. Jamaat's intention appears to be not just to break away, but to eliminate BNP as a serious competitor in a bid to consolidate Islamist control over the political terrain. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Violence on campus: A tactical escalation? In a rare and symbolic confrontation, violent clashes erupted over the weekend between Chhatrashibir — the notorious student wing of Jamaat — and the BNP's student affiliate. Such infighting between long-aligned groups was previously unthinkable, underlining the severity of the current rift. Some reports suggest that BNP student activists have been forcibly ousted from Dhaka University hostels and other educational institutions, with Chhatrashibir allegedly leading the charge. These skirmishes appear less spontaneous and more like a prelude to a larger scheme. As one source explained, the plan may involve allowing BNP to stir unrest nationwide, cultivating public frustration and then engineering a violent event that justifies banning the party entirely. Jamaat's strategic positioning For years, the BNP and Jamaat alliance functioned as a cornerstone of opposition politics in Bangladesh. This partnership, formalised in the late 1990s, delivered significant electoral gains, notably in the 2001 general elections. However, that same period witnessed increased Islamisation of state institutions and growing ties between segments of the government and extremist groups. The fallout of that governance era continues to haunt BNP's credibility. Now, Jamaat seems to be recalibrating. The BNP's senior leadership has started publicly accused Jamaat of ideological overreach in the academic and health sectors, signalling a desire to distance themselves from Islamist dominance. The rhetoric has coincided with Jamaat's efforts to realign with other, more radical Islamist factions such as Islami Andolan Bangladesh (IAB), while maintaining pressure on BNP through confrontation and political subterfuge. A plot for political elimination? The central allegation—that Jamaat is setting up BNP for a ban — gains credence when viewed in light of Bangladesh's volatile political history. The current situation bears a resemblance to previous state-led suppression tactics, albeit now seemingly employed by a former ally. The strategy, reports say, involves pushing BNP into a corner through provoked violence and engineered chaos. This would give the interim regime and Islamist-leaning factions within it, a pretext to outlaw BNP altogether under national security or public order pretence. Such a ban would clear the field for Jamaat and its ideological offshoots to assert control in an election where secular heavyweights like the Awami League have been significantly weakened. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD BNP's identity crisis The BNP faces an identity crossroads. On one hand, it has a relatively secular legacy among the parties in the fray after Sheikh Hasina's Awami League was taken out of Bangladesh's political equation. It still has some leaders who speak about the spirit of the Liberation War and favour the inclusion of Hindu and minority representatives. On the other hand, it continues to engage with Islamist groups to shore up support for upcoming elections. BNP's recent outreach to IAB, following Jamaat's similar attempts, exemplifies this tightrope walk. Analysts argue that BNP has an opportunity to reclaim its secular credentials and lead a democratic, pluralistic coalition. However, wavering between Islamist and secular forces risks alienating both sides. If BNP fails to clearly define its ideological direction, it may be outmanoeuvred not just electorally, but structurally. New power equation The political vacuum left by the Awami League's ouster has allowed new forces — particularly fundamentalist ones — to assert influence. While BNP assumed it would automatically step into power, the emerging scenario has shown otherwise. Jamaat, reduced in electoral power due to its deregistration, is traversing through informal alliances, madrassa networks and student activism. There are also signs of Hizb ut-Tahrir-linked elements gaining prominence within the new opposition framework, especially among student movements. Jamaat and its allies, despite their provocative positioning, have limited formal reach, and look to employ back-door tactics to control the political narrative. If successful, BNP could find itself squeezed out, either through disqualification or marginalisation. A strategic elimination? All signs point toward a calculated attempt by Jamaat-e-Islami to marginalise, discredit, and ultimately eliminate BNP from the electoral contest. Whether through student violence, engineered unrest or ideological delegitimisation, Jamaat appears to be laying the groundwork for a dramatic reshaping of Bangladesh's opposition. BNP now faces a dilemma to tilt towards secularism as Awami League is out of the question as of now, and risk alienation from Islamist voters, or attempt a balancing act and risk losing votes to Islamist Jamaat. The weeks ahead may determine whether Bangladesh sees a pluralistic future or a slide into ideological hegemony masked as political realignment. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
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Business Standard
16 hours ago
- Politics
- Business Standard
Bangladesh struggles with unrest fallout after last year's govt ouster
Bangladesh finds itself mired in a growing political uncertainty, religious polarisation and a challenging law-and-order situation Bangladesh was on the cusp of charting a new beginning last year after its former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was removed from power in a student-led uprising, ending her 15-year rule and forcing her to flee to India. As the head of a new interim government, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus promised to hold a credible election to return to democracy, initiate electoral and constitutional reforms and restore peace on the streets after hundreds were killed in weeks of violence that began on July 15, 2024. A year later, the Yunus-led administration has struggled to contain the fallout of the uprising. Bangladesh finds itself mired in a growing political uncertainty, religious polarisation and a challenging law-and-order situation. Here's what to know about Bangladesh a year after the protests that toppled Hasina. Chaotic political landscape Uncertainty about the future of democracy looms large in Bangladesh. The student protesters who toppled Hasina formed a new political party, promising to break the overwhelming influence of two major dynastic political parties the Bangladesh Nationalists Party, or BNP, and Hasina's Awami League. But the party's opponents have accused it of being close to the Yunus-led administration and creating chaos for political mileage by using state institutions. Meanwhile, Bangladesh's political landscape has further fragmented after the country's largest Islamist party, the Jamaat-e-Islami, returned to politics more than a decade after it was suppressed by Hasina's government. Aligned with the student-led party, it's trying to fill the vacuum left by the Awami League, which was banned in May. Its leader, Hasina, is facing trial for crimes against humanity. The strength of Jamaat-e-Islami, which opposed Bangladesh's independence from Pakistan in 1971, is unknown. Both BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami party are now at loggerheads over establishing supremacy within the administration and judiciary, and even university campuses. They are also differing over the timing of a new parliamentary election. Yunus has announced that the polls would be held in April next year, but poor law and order situation and a lack of clear-cut political consensus over it have created confusion. The chief of Bangladesh's military also wanted an election in December this year a stance Yunus didn't like. Post-revolution honeymoons often don't last long, and Bangladesh is no exception, says Michael Kugelman, a Washington-based South Asia analyst and senior fellow of Asia Pacific Foundation. The interim government faced massive expectations to restore democracy and prosperity. But this is especially difficult to do as an unelected government without a public mandate." Yunus wants reforms before election Yunus has delayed an election because he wants reforms from changes to the constitution and elections to the judiciary and police. Discussions with political parties, except Hasina's Awami League, are ongoing. Some of the reforms include putting a limit on how many times a person can become the prime minister, introduction of a two-tier parliament, and appointment of a chief justice. There appears to be little consensus over some basic reforms. While both the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami parties have agreed to some of them with conditions, other proposals for basic constitutional reforms have become a sticking point. The Jamaat-e-Islami also wants to give the interim government more time to complete reforms before heading into polls, while BNP has been calling for an early election. The student-led party mostly follows the pattern of the Jamaat-e-Islami party. Kugelman says the issue of reforms was meant to unite the country, but has instead become a flashpoint. There's a divide between those that want to see through reforms and give them more time, and those that feel it's time to wrap things up and focus on elections, he says. Human rights and the rise of Islamists Human rights in Bangladesh have remained a serious concern under Yunus. Minority groups, especially Hindus, have blamed his administration for failing to protect them adequately. The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council says minority Hindus and others have been targeted in hundreds of attacks over the last year. Hasina's party has also blamed the interim government for arresting tens of thousands of its supporters. The Yunus-led administration denies these allegations. Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch, says while the interim government has stopped enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions that had occurred under the Hasina government, there has been little progress on lasting security sector reforms or to deliver on the pledge to create robust, independent institutions. Meanwhile, Islamist factions some of whom have proposed changes to women's rights and demanded introduction of Sharia law are vying for power. Many of them are planning to build alliances with bigger parties like the BNP or the Jamaat-e-Islami. Such factions have historically struggled to gain significant electoral support despite Bangladesh being a Muslim majority, and their rise is expected to further fragment the country's political landscape. Diplomatic pivot and balancing with global powers During Hasina's 15-year rule, Bangladesh was India's closest partner in South Asia. After her ouster, the Yunus-led administration has moved closer to China. Yunus' first state visit was to China in March, a trip that saw him secure investments, loans and grants. Globally, Yunus seems to have strong backing from the West and the United Nations, and it appears Bangladesh will continue its foreign policy, which has long tried to find a balance between multiple foreign powers. But Kugelman says the country's biggest challenge may be the Trump factor. In January, the Trump administration suspended USAID funds to Bangladesh, which had sought significant levels of US support during a critical rebuild period post Hasina's ouster. Dhaka must now reframe its relations with an unconventional US administration that will largely view Bangladesh through a commercial lens, Kugelman says. (Only the headline and picture of this report may have been reworked by the Business Standard staff; the rest of the content is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)
New Indian Express
16 hours ago
- Politics
- New Indian Express
Bangladesh struggles to contain fallout of uprising that toppled its leader last year
DHAKA: Bangladesh was on the cusp of charting a new beginning last year after its former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was removed from power in a student-led uprising, ending her 15-year rule and forcing her to flee to India. As the head of a new interim government, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus promised to hold a credible election to return to democracy, initiate electoral and constitutional reforms and restore peace on the streets after hundreds were killed in weeks of violence that began on July 15, 2024. A year later, the Yunus-led administration has struggled to contain the fallout of the uprising. Bangladesh finds itself mired in a growing political uncertainty, religious polarization and a challenging law-and-order situation. Here's what to know about Bangladesh a year after the protests that toppled Hasina. Chaotic political landscape Uncertainty about the future of democracy looms large in Bangladesh. The student protesters who toppled Hasina formed a new political party, promising to break the overwhelming influence of two major dynastic political parties — the Bangladesh Nationalists Party, or BNP, and Hasina's Awami League. But the party's opponents have accused it of being close to the Yunus-led administration and creating chaos for political mileage by using state institutions. Meanwhile, Bangladesh's political landscape has further fragmented after the country's largest Islamist party, the Jamaat-e-Islami, returned to politics more than a decade after it was suppressed by Hasina's government. Aligned with the student-led party, it's trying to fill the vacuum left by the Awami League, which was banned in May. Its leader, Hasina, is facing trial for crimes against humanity. The strength of Jamaat-e-Islami, which opposed Bangladesh's independence from Pakistan in 1971, is unknown. Both BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami party are now at loggerheads over establishing supremacy within the administration and judiciary, and even university campuses. They are also differing over the timing of a new parliamentary election. Yunus has announced that the polls would be held in April next year, but poor law and order situation and a lack of clear-cut political consensus over it have created confusion. The chief of Bangladesh's military also wanted an election in December this year — a stance Yunus didn't like. 'Post-revolution honeymoons often don't last long, and Bangladesh is no exception,' says Michael Kugelman, a Washington-based South Asia analyst and senior fellow of Asia Pacific Foundation. 'The interim government faced massive expectations to restore democracy and prosperity. But this is especially difficult to do as an unelected government without a public mandate." Yunus wants reforms before election Yunus has delayed an election because he wants reforms — from changes to the constitution and elections to the judiciary and police. Discussions with political parties, except Hasina's Awami League, are ongoing. Some of the reforms include putting a limit on how many times a person can become the prime minister, introduction of a two-tier parliament, and appointment of a chief justice.
The Star
17 hours ago
- Politics
- The Star
Bangladesh struggles to contain the fallout of an uprising that toppled its leader last year
DHAKA: Bangladesh was on the cusp of charting a new beginning last year after its former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina was removed from power in a student-led uprising, ending her 15-year rule and forcing her to flee to India. As the head of a new interim government, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus promised to hold a credible election to return to democracy, initiate electoral and constitutional reforms and restore peace on the streets after hundreds were killed in weeks of violence that began on July 15, 2024. A year later, the Yunus-led administration has struggled to contain the fallout of the uprising. Bangladesh finds itself mired in a growing political uncertainty, religious polarisation and a challenging law-and-order situation. Here's what to know about Bangladesh a year after the protests that toppled Hasina. Uncertainty about the future of democracy looms large in Bangladesh. The student protesters who toppled Hasina formed a new political party, promising to break the overwhelming influence of two major dynastic political parties - the Bangladesh Nationalists Party, or BNP, and Hasina's Awami League. But the party's opponents have accused it of being close to the Yunus-led administration and creating chaos for political mileage by using state institutions. Meanwhile, Bangladesh's political landscape has further fragmented after the country's largest Islamist party, the Jamaat-e-Islami, returned to politics more than a decade after it was suppressed by Hasina's government. Aligned with the student-led party, it's trying to fill the vacuum left by the Awami League, which was banned in May. Its leader, Hasina, is facing trial for crimes against humanity. The strength of Jamaat-e-Islami, which opposed Bangladesh's independence from Pakistan in 1971, is unknown. Both BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami party are now at loggerheads over establishing supremacy within the administration and judiciary, and even university campuses. They are also differing over the timing of a new parliamentary election. Yunus has announced that the polls would be held in April next year, but poor law and order situation and a lack of clear-cut political consensus over it have created confusion. The chief of Bangladesh's military also wanted an election in December this year - a stance Yunus didn't like. "Post-revolution honeymoons often don't last long, and Bangladesh is no exception,' says Michael Kugelman, a Washington-based South Asia analyst and senior fellow of Asia Pacific Foundation. "The interim government faced massive expectations to restore democracy and prosperity. But this is especially difficult to do as an unelected government without a public mandate." Yunus has delayed an election because he wants reforms - from changes to the constitution and elections to the judiciary and police. Discussions with political parties, except Hasina's Awami League, are ongoing. Some of the reforms include putting a limit on how many times a person can become the prime minister, introduction of a two-tier parliament and appointment of a chief justice. There appears to be little consensus over some basic reforms. While both the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami parties have agreed to some of them with conditions, other proposals for basic constitutional reforms have become a sticking point. The Jamaat-e-Islami also wants to give the interim government more time to complete reforms before heading into polls, while BNP has been calling for an early election. The student-led party mostly follows the pattern of the Jamaat-e-Islami party. Kugelman says the issue of reforms was meant to unite the country, but has instead become a flashpoint. "There's a divide between those that want to see through reforms and give them more time, and those that feel it's time to wrap things up and focus on elections,' he says. Human rights in Bangladesh have remained a serious concern under Yunus. Minority groups, especially Hindus, have blamed his administration for failing to protect them adequately. The Bangladesh Hindu Buddhist Christian Unity Council says minority Hindus and others have been targeted in hundreds of attacks over the last year. Hasina's party has also blamed the interim government for arresting tens of thousands of its supporters. The Yunus-led administration denies these allegations. Meenakshi Ganguly, deputy Asia director for Human Rights Watch, says while the interim government has stopped enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions that had occurred under the Hasina government, "there has been little progress on lasting security sector reforms or to deliver on the pledge to create robust, independent institutions.' Meanwhile, Islamist factions - some of whom have proposed changes to women's rights and demanded introduction of Sharia law - are vying for power. Many of them are planning to build alliances with bigger parties like the BNP or the Jamaat-e-Islami. Such factions have historically struggled to gain significant electoral support despite Bangladesh being a Muslim majority, and their rise is expected to further fragment the country's political landscape. During Hasina's 15-year rule, Bangladesh was India's closest partner in South Asia. After her ouster, the Yunus-led administration has moved closer to China, which is India's main rival in the region. Yunus' first state visit was to China in March, a trip that saw him secure investments, loans and grants. On the other hand, India is angered by the ousting of its old ally Hasina and hasn't responded to Dhaka's requests to extradite her. India stopped issuing visas to Bangladeshis following Hasina's fall. Globally, Yunus seems to have strong backing from the West and the United Nations, and it appears Bangladesh will continue its foreign policy, which has long tried to find a balance between multiple foreign powers. But Kugelman says the country's biggest challenge may be the "Trump factor.' In January, the Trump administration suspended USAID funds to Bangladesh, which had sought significant levels of US support during a critical rebuild period post Hasina's ouster. "Dhaka must now reframe its relations with an unconventional U.S. administration that will largely view Bangladesh through a commercial lens,' Kugelman says. - AP
