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Chad's struggle for democracy is far from over as it steadily takes an authoritarian turn

Chad's struggle for democracy is far from over as it steadily takes an authoritarian turn

Daily Maverick2 days ago
Barely a year after restoring constitutional order and dominating elections, Chad's government is doubling down against opposition and free speech.
Chad emerged from its political transition in January following presidential and parliamentary elections. The country underwent regime change in 2021 when Mahamat Déby took office after the death of his father and long-time president.
The election results saw the ruling party, the Mouvement Patriotique du Salut (MPS), and transition president Déby dominate the political scene. This was unsurprising given that the MPS controlled the process from start to finish, and most of the opposition boycotted and contested the polls.
Despite the electoral system's flaws, the MPS has used its election win to legitimise its resistance to dialogue with the political opposition. Since January, the crackdown on civic space has been reinforced by a campaign of legal pressure on all dissenting voices, including the media, the political opposition and civil society.
These tactics are reminiscent of the previous regime. Although he came to power promising democratisation, the late former president Idriss Déby Itno's administration was characterised by the dominance of his family and political circles. Over three decades his reign undermined the foundations of democracy, triggering rebellions, deadly confrontations and weakening national cohesion and stability.
In 2021, his son took charge of a fragmented and unstable country. The transition promised dialogue, reconciliation, inclusion and building a strong nation. But protests, friction and bloody repression cast doubt on the authenticity of the transition agenda.
The legitimisation of Déby and his party through controlled elections reinforces the trend under his father of a single camp dominating public life. In one year of rule, the MPS system has gradually strengthened its grip on Chadian politics.
The judiciary is politicised, and dissenting voices are silenced through arrests and trials widely regarded as biased. Independent media, opposition parties and civil society are also being targeted. Journalists are threatened and arrested while doing their job, with six detained for several months since January.
In February, the head of an online media outlet was arrested for publishing an article about a financial scandal. In March, four journalists were detained on charges of 'intelligence with agents of a foreign power' – referring to the Russian group Wagner. Their lawyers deny the accusations and believe the trial represents the weaponisation of the justice system to restrict press freedom. After five months in jail, the journalists were acquitted.
Pressure on the media remains constant. In June, N'Djamena's public prosecutor threatened imprisonment for journalists and human rights organisations who visited a conflict scene in the south of the country.
The judicial system is also being used against prominent MPS opponents, such as Succès Masra, leader of the Les Transformateurs' party and former prime minister, who was arrested on 16 May. He is currently languishing in prison, accused of instigating a conflict in May 2025 despite evidence deemed fallacious by his defence team and much of the public.
Constant pressure is exerted on opposition parties and their leaders, such as the opposition collective Groupe de concertation des acteurs politiques. Tactics involve intimidation, surveillance and the poaching of activists.
The Ministry of Territorial Administration and Decentralisation has cracked down on four civil society organisations, banning them from all activities nationwide. Demonstrations and public protests remain prohibited unless authorised by the ministry. But for more than two years all applications have been systematically rejected.
Meanwhile, Chad lacks real political alternatives. In the national assembly, 124 of 188 members (66%) belong to the ruling party. The remaining seats are split between parties allied to the MPS, undercutting any chance of real debate in parliament.
Similarly, 44 of the senate's 46 elected representatives are MPS members. The constitution allows the president to appoint another 23 senators, all of whom are part of Déby's inner circle. The upper and lower houses of parliament are almost all under the MPS banner, raising fears of a drift to de facto one-party rule.
Chad's precarious democratic project is in danger. Less than a year after returning to constitutional order, the country is steadily taking an authoritarian turn, returning to conditions that weakened national cohesion and fuelled instability under the previous regime.
To take the political dialogue forward, former transitional prime minister Saleh Kebzabo has been appointed national mediator between the government and the opposition. He should advocate for the protection of citizens rather than their harassment and arbitrary arrest, and for the independence of the judiciary to be respected.
At the regional level, the Economic Community of Central African States needs to re-engage with the Chad issue via its chosen mediator, Democratic Republic of the Congo President Félix Tshisekedi. His mediation previously facilitated the Kinshasa Agreement, which allowed the exiled Les Transformateurs party to return to the country and contest the presidential election.
Considering that the domestic political and governance challenges Tshisekedi faces may hinder his legitimacy, other international actors, including the African Union through its Peace and Security Council, must also support the dialogue efforts. DM
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24 hours in pictures, 1 August 2025
24 hours in pictures, 1 August 2025

The Citizen

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  • The Citizen

24 hours in pictures, 1 August 2025

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Russia-Ukrainian Conflict: 'Give me liberty or give me death'
Russia-Ukrainian Conflict: 'Give me liberty or give me death'

IOL News

time18 hours ago

  • IOL News

Russia-Ukrainian Conflict: 'Give me liberty or give me death'

Rescuers work at Ohmatdyt Children's Hospital, which was damaged during a Russian missile strike, in Kyiv, Ukraine in July, 2024. What we are witnessing in Ukraine is not only one of Russia's 'final pushes', but the realisation of Vladimir Lenin's prophecy. Image: Gleb Garanich/Reuters HISTORY, as CV Wedgwood observed, is written backwards but lived forwards. In the fog of war, the path ahead is obscured by ambiguity and risk. Kierkegaard put it well: 'We can only understand life backwards, but life must be lived forwards.' This lens helps make sense of the Russia-Ukraine war — not as a sudden crisis, but as the unfolding of long-standing ideological and geopolitical currents. In 1921, Lenin presciently wrote that Western capitalists would willingly supply the Soviet Union with the technology and credit it needed to eventually overthrow them. 'They will work hard,' he said, 'in order to prepare their own suicide.' This vision was not mere rhetoric. OC Boileau argued in 1976 that Soviet leaders saw themselves not just as national rulers, but as stewards of a revolutionary mission — the inevitable triumph of communism over the West. Alexander Solzhenitsyn, after fleeing to America, echoed this warning in his 1978 Harvard speech: 'The West is on the verge of a collapse created by its own hands.' He observed a weakening of Western resolve and warned that the Soviet economy was so entrenched in militarisation that even if its leaders wanted peace, they could no longer stop the machine. 'The degeneration of America is underway,' he said, 'and off there in the wings, the military power is being prepared to apply the final push.' Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ What we are witnessing in Ukraine is not only one of Russia's 'final pushes', but the realisation of Vladimir Lenin's prophecy. Jim Courter, in *Step by Step: The Soviet Bloc's Global Challenge to Democracy*, reminds us that a larger story underpins the current crisis — one of territorial expansion and the consolidation of political, economic, and military power. Guided by proletarian internationalism, the Soviet bloc has long aimed at the destruction of the 'Free World' — the great democracies. Courter does not claim the Soviets want war, but insists it would be naive to assume they desire peace. The evidence is clear: the Soviet Union ceaselessly prepared for war, and those designs continue wherever opportunity allows. When Americans spent 40% of their defence budget on personnel, the Soviets invested in weapons. As Robert McFarlane noted, the USSR produced twice as many fighter aircraft as the US and NATO combined, four times as many helicopters, and 50 times as many bombers. The armoured battalions now rolling into Ukraine are not new, they are the legacy of a system that never stopped building. In his Crimean annexation speech, Russian President Vladimir Putin declared that Crimea is saturated with shared history and pride, that St Vladimir's baptism in Chersonese laid the spiritual foundation for a common civilisation linking Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus. 'We are not just close neighbours,' he said, 'we are actually the same nation. Kyiv is the mother of Russian cities. Ancient Rus is our common origin; we cannot live without each other.' This deep historical bond explains Russia's sensitivity to Ukraine and its inevitable involvement. Samuel Charap and Keith Darden cite Samuel Huntington's *Clash of Civilisations*, which argues that nations need enemies for self-definition. While discredited, Huntington's thesis gains credibility in Ukraine. After more than 30 years of the West treating Russia as an adversary, Moscow may have truly become one. Putin's private remark to George W Bush — questioning whether Ukraine was a real country — reveals a dismissive attitude. 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When asked how to respond to a voracious fighting force, he replied: 'Our philosophy is based on talk — negotiate — and then talk again.' To move to force, he said, is 'like someone doing therapy who suddenly decides to do brain surgery'. This aversion renders the UN — and similar bodies — 'toothless dogs', a flaw mirrored in the OAU's non-interference clause that enabled coups across Africa. Lee H Hamilton noted six shifts after the Cold War: the end of the communist challenge, Soviet instability, fragile new democracies, the rise of Western Europe and Japan, Middle East instability, and emerging transnational threats. The Warsaw Pact dissolved in 1991, ending the threat of Soviet invasion. Yet thousands of nuclear weapons still pointed west. The danger faded — but did not vanish. Many believe negotiations will end the war. But history cautions against blind trust. Fred Ikle once said, 'Negotiating with the Russians is tough. They tend to press for higher numbers.' Boutros-Ghali's mantra — 'talk, negotiate, talk again' — offers little hope. The prospect of peace through such diplomacy is bleak. Rather than suffer under authoritarianism, Ukrainians echo Patrick Henry: 'Give me liberty or give me death.' The wealth of the modern world is created in free nations. The Soviets come to the West for food, not because they lack resources, but because their leaders choose arms over agriculture. One gets the impression that Soviet, and now Russian, leaders would rather their people starve than risk the 'contamination' of freedom. Plato said: 'Only the dead have seen the end of war.' Rosenberg, a poet who died at 28 on the Western Front, mourned a world where: 'Red fangs have torn His face. God's blood is shed.' He longed for the world to regain its 'pristine bloom'. For those in Ukraine, Palestine, and Syria, every day is a battle. Only death brings peace. If Ukrainian freedom is to survive, negotiations must not compromise liberty. As Jesse Helms argued, only the free world has the creativity to adapt. Each free citizen holds a power no oppressive state can match — the power to shape their own life. True security lies not in control, but in freedom. As JFK said: 'We must never negotiate out of fear, but we must never fear to negotiate.' Weinberger warned that concession after concession leads to empty agreements. Reinhold Niebuhr cautioned that democratic failure often comes from idealists facing ruthless realities with too many illusions. The real conflict is not between Russia and Ukraine, but between Russia and the United States. What we see is either the resurgence or continuation of the Cold War. There was no official end — only an assumption, fueled by Reagan's 1987 meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev. When asked how long the conflict would last, Reagan said: 'Oh, that's a thing of the past. They no longer believe in one-world Marxian domination.' But do they? Could nations like Ukraine, Georgia, and Hungary have turned to NATO not just for security, but for survival? Russia feeds its military, not its people. Dmitry Medvedev once told Crimeans: 'There is no money, but you be strong.' Hunger-fueled revolutions in Hungary, Czechoslovakia, and Poland. Today, Russians queue for bread while trains haul armoured battalions to Ukraine. As a song says: 'There are more questions than answers.' But this is clear: NATO's Supreme Allied Commander stated, 'What is happening in eastern Ukraine is a military operation… carried out at the direction of Russia.' And so we return to Lenin's warning: 'They will supply us with the materials and technology which we need for our future victorious attacks upon our suppliers. In other words, they will work hard in order to prepare their own suicide.' Let Ukraine decide: bow to pressure, or rise with Henry's cry? 'Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!' * Dr Vusi Shongwe works in the Department of Sport, Arts, and Culture in KwaZulu-Natal and writes in his personal capacity. ** The views expressed here do not reflect those of the Sunday Independent, IOL, or Independent Media. Get the real story on the go: Follow the Sunday Independent on WhatsApp.

US, Russian space chiefs talk moon, ISS cooperation in rare Florida meeting
US, Russian space chiefs talk moon, ISS cooperation in rare Florida meeting

Daily Maverick

timea day ago

  • Daily Maverick

US, Russian space chiefs talk moon, ISS cooperation in rare Florida meeting

NASA's new temporary administrator on Thursday held a rare face-to-face meeting in Florida with Russia's space agency chief, where they discussed cooperation on the moon and maintaining the space powers' longstanding relationship on the International Space Station, Roscosmos said. The talks between Sean Duffy and Dmitry Bakanov at the U.S. space agency's Kennedy Space Center represented the first in-person meeting between the heads of NASA and Russia's space agency, Roscosmos, since 2018. NASA said late on Thursday the two chiefs 'discuss continued cooperation and collaboration in space,' without providing further details. The meeting coincided with an attempt to launch a joint astronaut crew from Florida to the ISS that was postponed due to weather. It was a significant moment for Washington's bifurcated space relations with Russia – especially for Duffy, an acting NASA administrator who was assigned to the role just this month while also overseeing the Transportation Department. Roscosmos showed on Telegram a video of the meeting between Duffy and Bakanov, each flanked by staff, and other events where Bakanov and his delegation can be seen mingling with U.S. officials. The Russian space agency said 'the parties discussed further work on the ISS, cooperation on lunar programs, joint exploration of deep space, continued interaction on other space projects.' Roscosmos and NASA did not respond to questions about the nature of the lunar program or deep space discussions. Such talks could signal thawing relations between the two countries' civil space programs and represent a shift in global space relations. UKRAINE WAR ISOLATES RUSSIA Russia had plans to participate in NASA's flagship Artemis moon program until it invaded Ukraine in February 2022. It became a partner on China's moon program, the International Lunar Research Station, a direct rival to the U.S. Artemis program. The war in Ukraine has led to a vastly isolated Russian space program, which has since boosted investments in military space efforts while nearly all of its joint space exploration projects with the West collapsed. The Russian delegation visited NASA's Johnson Space Center in Houston on Wednesday and on Thursday was poised to watch the launch of Crew-11, a routine mission to the ISS featuring two U.S. astronauts, a Russian cosmonaut and a Japanese astronaut. But bad weather pushed the launch to Friday morning, SpaceX said. While U.S.-Russian tensions over the war in Ukraine have limited contact between NASA and Roscosmos, they have continued to share astronaut flights and cooperate on the ISS, a 25-year-old totem of scientific diplomacy crucial to maintaining the two space powers' storied human spaceflight capabilities. Amity on the $100 billion ISS is buoyed primarily by a technical interdependency: the Russian segment relies on power generated by American solar panels, while the task of maintaining the station's altitude is assigned to Russia's thrusters. Multiple other countries depend on the ISS for microgravity research, prominently the European Space Agency, Canada and Japan. The military space programs of the U.S. and Russia meanwhile have an adversarial relationship. The U.S. has accused Russia of developing a nuclear space weapon and deploying counterspace weapons and spy satellites near American spy satellites. Russia has denied many of Washington's space allegations. Bakanov and Duffy were expected to discuss extending the two countries' astronaut seat exchange agreement – in which U.S. astronauts fly on Russian Soyuz capsules in exchange for Russian astronauts flying on U.S. capsules – and the planned disposal of the ISS in 2030, according to Russian news agency TASS.

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