logo
Three Revolutions by Simon Hall review – how Russia, China and Cuba changed forever

Three Revolutions by Simon Hall review – how Russia, China and Cuba changed forever

The Guardian27-06-2025
If the word 'revolution' implies, etymologically, a world turned around, then what unfolded in Russia in 1917 was just that. Everything changed. Old-school deference was dead; the proletariat was in power.
The communist American journalist John Reed witnessed a contretemps that captured the suddenness of the change. In simpler times, sailors would have yielded to senior ministers, but on the day of the storming of the Winter Palace in St Petersburg, they weren't having it. When, in a last-ditch effort to save the Provisional Government, two liberal grandees demanded that they be let in, one of the sailors replied, 'We will spank you! And if necessary we will shoot you too. Go home now, and leave us in peace!'
Here was an anecdote confirming Trotsky's lofty pronouncement that the revolution marked the 'forcible entrance of the masses into the realm of rulership'. Where Trotsky was coolly detached in his bird's-eye The History of the Russian Revolution, Reed was breathless in his wide-eyed, worm's-eye memoir, Ten Days that Shook the World.
Reed had the zeal of the convert. Born into a pig-iron fortune in Oregon, he rebelled against his preppy upbringing by embracing the bohemia of Greenwich Village: 'delicatessens, bookshops, art studios and saloons, its long-haired men and short-haired women.' Thereafter, he was fired up by the silk weavers' strike in New Jersey in 1913. Four years later, a sense of adventure and a folie à deux with his socialist wife Louise Bryant took them to Saint Petersburg (then Petrograd), where they witnessed the revolution's great set pieces first-hand.
Warren Beatty's portrayal of him as a true believer in the biopic Reds, leafleting and dodging bullets, got him down to a tee. So it was hardly surprising that he was faced with sedition charges on his return. He was indicted for violating the Espionage Act for inveighing against American entry into the First World War. Hounded out of his homeland, he fled to Russia and died of typhus, aged 32; no medicines were available on account of the Western blockade of the Russian Civil War.
Reed's is one of six lives served up by historian Simon Hall in his new book. Three of them are revolutionaries – Vladimir Lenin, Mao Zedong and Fidel Castro – and three are American journalists who filed stories from the frontlines of the Russian, Chinese, and Cuban revolutions, respectively: Reed, Edgar Snow and Herbert Matthews. These are unexpected pairings, chosen, one presumes, for their convenience in enabling Hall to reconstruct his three very foreign societies with the help of a largely monoglot bibliography.
The conceit is to chronicle the journeys that represented turning points in 20th-century history. In Lenin's case, it was his return to Russia from Swiss exile in April 1917. Something of a party pooper, he maintained that the February Revolution that overthrew the tsar wasn't the real deal. In good time, his comrades came around, and that's how we got the Russian Revolution.
In China, meanwhile, the Long March of 1934-5 was a desperate retreat. It was also a lesson in geography and endurance. On the run from the nationalist Kuomintang party's Chiang Kai-shek, who was working with Hitler's general Hans von Seeckt, some 90,000 troops and persecuted communists made the 9,000km trek from the Jiangxi Soviet in the south to Yan'an in the north. Only about 6,000 survived, and Mao emerged as their leader.
For his part, Castro returned to Cuba from Mexico in 1956 aboard the Granma, 'a creaking, leaking leisure yacht'. As one compañero put it, it was not so much a landing as a shipwreck. Not all of them managed to negotiate the mangrove thickets of Playa Las Coloradas and Fulgencio Batista's strafing planes, but Castro did. Three years later, he toppled the dictator.
Hall's tired trot through the three coups is less interesting than the three scoops he describes. Besides Reed's, we have the midwestern ad man turned journalist Edgar Snow's. He spent four months swimming and playing tennis with Mao's guerrillas in Bao'an, writing up the experience gushingly in Red Star Over China. Zhou Enlai, wrote Snow, was 'every inch an intellectual', Mao a 'gaunt, rather Lincolnesque figure', and the comrades 'the freest and happiest Chinese I had known'. Hall says that Red Star Over China was 'no crass work of propaganda'. But it was. Snow would have known about Mao's purges in the Jiangxi Soviet from 1931-36, in which, it was later revealed, 700,000 people perished.
Sign up to Bookmarks
Discover new books and learn more about your favourite authors with our expert reviews, interviews and news stories. Literary delights delivered direct to you
after newsletter promotion
Herbert Matthews of the New York Times was equally starstruck by his subject. Here he is on Castro, whom he met in the Sierra Maestra mountains in 1957: 'This was quite a man – a powerful six-footer, olive-skinned, full-faced with a straggly beard.' What's more, Castro was 'not only not Communist but decidedly anti-Communist'. Matthews's dispatches went a long way in swaying American opinion against Batista's dictatorship, but needless to say, some of the more confident pronouncements about Castro's politics aged badly.
Hall's potted narratives trundle along, absorbing rich period and cultural details. His strengths lie in storytelling, not history-writing, which is to say he is more at home with description than analysis. But there lies the rub. Unlike Reed, Snow, and Matthews, he is writing at one remove. This necessitates extensive quotation and, worse, lengthy paraphrases that are inevitably weaker than the lapidary originals.
Three Revolutions: Russia, China, Cuba and the Epic Journeys that Changed the World by Simon Hall is published by Faber (£25). To support the Guardian, order your copy at guardianbookshop.com. Delivery charges may apply.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Russian foreign minister warns West over excluding Moscow from Ukraine security discussions
Russian foreign minister warns West over excluding Moscow from Ukraine security discussions

The Independent

timean hour ago

  • The Independent

Russian foreign minister warns West over excluding Moscow from Ukraine security discussions

Russia 's foreign minister has sent the West a warning over excluding Moscow from security discussions on Ukraine. Speaking on Wednesday (20 August), two days after Donald Trump hosted Volodymyr Zelensky and other western leaders in the White House, Sergei Lavrov said alienating the Kremlin is a 'road to nowhere'. 'We cannot agree with the fact that now it is proposed to resolve questions of security, collective security, without the Russian Federation. This will not work,' he said. Lavrov said that Russia will continue to express its "legitimate interests fairly and harshly', and that the US must understand that excluding Moscow is futile.

Oil prices climb 2% on drop in US crude inventories as investors focus on Ukraine peace push
Oil prices climb 2% on drop in US crude inventories as investors focus on Ukraine peace push

Reuters

timean hour ago

  • Reuters

Oil prices climb 2% on drop in US crude inventories as investors focus on Ukraine peace push

NEW YORK, Aug 20 (Reuters) - Oil prices climbed about 2% on Wednesday on a bigger-than-expected weekly drop in U.S. crude inventories as investors awaited the next steps in talks to end the Ukraine war, with sanctions on Russian crude remaining in place for now. Brent crude futures were up $1.02, or 1.6%, to $66.81 a barrel by 1:05 p.m. EDT (1705 GMT), while U.S. West Texas Intermediate (WTI) crude futures rose 95 cents, or 1.5%, to $63.30. The U.S. Energy Information Administration said energy firms pulled 6.0 million barrels of crude from inventories during the week ended August 15. , That was bigger than the draw of 1.8 million barrels forecast by analysts in a Reuters poll and the decline of 2.4 million barrels that market sources said the American Petroleum Institute trade group cited in its figures on Tuesday. "We had a decent-sized crude drawdown. We saw a rebound in exports ... That and the strong refinery demand really makes this a bullish report," said John Kilduff, partner with Again Capital. On Tuesday, crude prices fell more than 1% - with WTI closing at its lowest level since May 30 - on optimism that an agreement to end the Russia-Ukraine war seemed closer. U.S. President Donald Trump, however, conceded that Russian President Vladimir Putin might not want to make a deal. "Much of the choppy price action has been driven by daily updates to the Ukraine/Russian negotiations that have gone back and forth from bearish to bullish as far as the impact on future oil balances is concerned," analysts at energy advisory firm Ritterbusch and Associates said in a note. Russia was the second-biggest producer of crude in 2024 behind the U.S., so any agreement that could ease sanctions on Moscow should boost the amount of Russian oil available for export to global markets. On Tuesday, Trump said he had ruled out putting U.S. troops on the ground in Ukraine, but said the U.S. might provide air support as part of a deal to end Russia's war in the country. On Wednesday, Russia said attempts to resolve security issues relating to Ukraine without Moscow's participation were a "road to nowhere", sounding a warning to the West as it scrambles to work out guarantees for Kyiv's future protection. Russia, meanwhile, said it expects to continue supplying oil to India despite warnings from the U.S., Russian embassy officials in New Delhi said on Wednesday, adding that Moscow hopes trilateral talks will soon take place with India and China. Trump has announced an additional tariff of 25% on Indian goods exported to the U.S. from August 27, as a punishment for buying Russian oil. India's state-run refiners Indian Oil ( opens new tab and Bharat Petroleum ( opens new tab have bought Russian oil for September and October delivery, resuming purchases after discounts widened, two company officials aware of the matter said on Wednesday. Russian forces have advanced in the east of Ukraine's Dnipropetrovsk region, taking the village of Novoheorhiivka close to the Donetsk region, Russia's defence ministry said on Wednesday. "The likelihood of a quick resolution to the conflict with Russia now seems unlikely," Daniel Hynes, senior commodity strategist at ANZ, said in a note. In other supply news, Iran said it believes the moment for "effective" nuclear talks with the U.S. has not yet arrived, its top diplomat said on Wednesday, adding that Tehran would not completely cut off cooperation with the U.N. nuclear watchdog. Iran was the third-biggest producer of crude in the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) in 2024 behind Saudi Arabia and Iraq, so any agreement that could ease sanctions on Tehran should boost the amount of Iranian oil available for export to global markets. In Saudi Arabia, crude exports slipped in June to their lowest level in three months, according to data from the Joint Organizations Data Initiative (JODI). In Norway, the second biggest oil producer in Europe after Russia, combined oil and gas production exceeded an official forecast by 3.9% in July, according to the Norwegian Offshore Directorate (NOD).

Why Donetsk matters so much for Ukraine's defences against Russia
Why Donetsk matters so much for Ukraine's defences against Russia

BBC News

timean hour ago

  • BBC News

Why Donetsk matters so much for Ukraine's defences against Russia

A key takeaway from the summit in Alaska is that Russian President Vladimir Putin reportedly wants to freeze the war in Ukraine along its current front line in return for the surrender of the rest of Donetsk holds about 70% of the region (oblast), including the regional capital of the same name, after more than a decade of fighting in which Donetsk and neighbouring Luhansk have been the bleeding heart of the Russia to gain all of Donetsk would cement its internationally unrecognised claim to the oblast as well as avoiding further heavy military Ukraine to withdraw from western Donetsk would mean the grievous loss not just of land, with the prospect of a new exodus of refugees, but the fall of a bulwark against any future Russian we look at why the territory matters so much. What does Ukraine still control? According to an estimate by Reuters news agency, Ukraine still holds about 6,600 sq km (2,548 sq miles) of territory in a quarter of a million people remain there, local officials said urban centres include Kramatorsk, Slovyansk, Kostyantynivka and forms part of Ukraine's main industrial region, the Donbas (Donets Basin), though its economy has been devastated by the war."The reality is these resources likely will not be able to be accessed for arguably a decade at least because of the [land] mines..." Dr Marnie Howlett, departmental lecturer in Russian and East European Politics at the University of Oxford, told Reuters."These lands have been completely destroyed, these cities completely flattened."Resignation and betrayal: What handing Donbas to Putin would mean for UkraineUkraine in maps: Tracking the war with RussiaWhat security guarantees for Ukraine would actually mean Where is the territory's military value? A recent report by the US-based Institute for the Study of War (ISW) describes a "fortress belt" running 50km (31 miles) through western Donetsk."Ukraine has spent the last 11 years pouring time, money, and effort into reinforcing the fortress belt and establishing significant defense industrial and defensive infrastructure," it from the region speak of trenches, bunkers, minefields, anti-tank obstacles and barbed forces attacking in the direction of Pokrovsk "are engaged in an effort to seize it that would likely take several years to complete", the ISW are certainly part of the Ukrainian defence but so is the topography."The terrain is fairly defensible, particularly the Chasiv Yar height which has been underpinning the Ukrainian line," Nick Reynolds, Research Fellow for Land Warfare at the UK-based Royal United Services Institute (Rusi), tells BBC he adds: "If you look at the topography of the Donbas, eastern Ukraine in general, overall the terrain doesn't really favour the Ukrainians.""The city of Donetsk is high ground. It's all downhill as you go west, which isn't great for the Ukrainians in terms of running defensive operations. "That's not just about drawing in for the close fight or difficulties going up and down hill, a lot of it is also about observation and thus the ability to co-ordinate artillery fires and other forms of fire support without putting drones up."Likewise bits of high ground are better for radio wave propagation, better for co-ordination of drones."Chasiv Yar, which the Russians recently claimed to have captured, "is one of the last bits of high ground the Ukrainians control", he via satellite imagery, whether provided by Ukraine's international partners or commercial, is very important, Reynolds notes, "but it is not the same as being able directly to co-ordinate one's own tactical missions". Does the Russian military need all of Donetsk? Western Donetsk is just a small part of a front line stretching some 1,100km but it has seen some of the fiercest Russian attacks this were Moscow to channel its ground forces in any different direction, it is doubtful whether they would make any better progress."In the south, the front line in Zaporizhzhia is now very similar to the one in the Donbas, so that would be just fighting through extensive defensive positions as well," says Reynolds."The Russians face the same problem trying to bash through in the north, so they certainly wouldn't be pushing on an open door." Would Ukraine be able to rebuild its defences further west? In theory, in the event of a peace deal, the Ukrainians could move their line back further would, of course, be the issue of unfavourable terrain, and building deep defences would take time, even with the help of civilian contractors not having to work under fire. But theory is one thing and Rusi's land warfare research fellow cannot see the Ukrainian military giving up western Donetsk without a fight."Even if the Trump administration tries to use ongoing US support or security guarantees as leverage," Nick Reynolds says, "based on previous Russian behaviour, based on the explicitly transactional approach that the US administration has taken, it is hard to see how the Ukrainian government would want to give up that territory." Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky has said his country will reject any Russian proposal to give up the Donbas region in exchange for a ceasefire, arguing that the eastern territory could be used as a springboard for future attacks.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store