Why Jawaharlal Nehru Still Shapes India's Political Debates Today Tell Me Why
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The Wire
21 hours ago
- The Wire
Tryst with Destiny, Yet Unfulfilled
Independence is not a trophy but a foundation – one that requires building roads and rights, protecting the vulnerable, and ensuring every citizen finds belonging in this republic. At the stroke of midnight on August 14-15, 1947, Jawaharlal Nehru stood before the Constituent Assembly and spoke words that would resonate through time: 'Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny…and at the stroke of the midnight hour…India will awake to life and freedom.' These were not just words of triumph but a clarion call to transform a nation scarred by centuries of colonial oppression into a republic of dignity, justice, and opportunity. As India celebrates its Independence Day in 2025, nearing the centenary of that historic moment, Nehru's vision remains a lodestar – yet the pledge to redeem that tryst 'not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially' stands at a crossroads. India's ascent as a global power is undeniable. Still, the chasm between macroeconomic triumphs and individual welfare, coupled with strains on democratic institutions, demands a renewed commitment to the ideals of 1947. India's economic rise is a testament to its resilience. With a nominal GDP exceeding US $ 4 trillion in 2025, India has surpassed Japan to become the fourth-largest economy, trailing only the United States, China, and Germany. Forecasts project real GDP growth of 6.2% in 2025 and 6.3% in 2026, outpacing the global average of 2.8%. This growth reflects the ambition Nehru envisioned—a nation seizing opportunity from the ashes of colonial exploitation. The Green Revolution transformed India from a famine-prone land into a global food exporter, while missions like Chandrayaan-3 and Mangalyaan have positioned India among the space-faring elite. Digital infrastructure, from UPI's global-standard payment systems to widespread internet penetration, underscores India's technological leap. These achievements embody the 'flushing of the dawn' Nehru foresaw, where a nation's suppressed soul finds expression. Yet, this aggregate success masks a profound paradox. India's per capita GDP, estimated at US $ 2,754 to 2,880, ranks in the 140s globally, revealing a stark disconnect between national wealth and individual prosperity. The World Inequality Lab notes that the top 1% capture nearly 23% of national income, while the bottom 50% share just 13%. The Human Development Index (HDI) for 2023 placed India at 0.685 (130th globally), with an inequality-adjusted HDI of 0.475. While only 5.25% of the population lives below US $ 3 per day, 82% survive on less than USD 8.30 daily. These figures expose a nation where economic might has not translated into inclusive welfare. Rural areas, in particular, lag in access to quality education, healthcare, and livelihoods, while caste, gender, and regional disparities persist. Nehru's tryst was not just with power but with equity—a promise yet to be fully redeemed. The colonial legacy Nehru spoke against set the stage for these challenges. As Shashi Tharoor details in Inglorious Empire, India's global GDP share plummeted from 23–27% in the early 18th century to 3–4% by 1947 due to systematic British exploitation. Land revenue systems and commercial cropping triggered chronic famines, claiming millions of lives. Artisans were crushed by cheap European imports, and forests vital to indigenous communities were ravaged by colonial policies. Partition's communal violence and mass migration – displacing up to 10 million – left a fractured society and economy. Against this backdrop, India's nation-building was a Herculean feat. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel's unification of over 560 princely states reshaped the subcontinent's map, while the Constituent Assembly, under leaders like B.R. Ambedkar, crafted a Constitution that enshrined universal adult suffrage and reservations for marginalized communities. Institutions like the Indian Institutes of Technology, the Planning Commission, and the All India Institute of Medical Sciences laid the foundation for progress, embodying Nehru's call for a republic that dreams big. Today, however, such institutions face mounting pressures, from politicised appointments and budgetary constraints to ideological interference, as the Modi government increasingly seeks to align their functioning with its own narratives, often at the cost of academic freedom, autonomy, and long-term vision. Further, the democratic institutions that were the bedrock of this vision are now under strain. The 2025 electoral cycle in Bihar has ignited a firestorm, with the Election Commission of India (ECI) removing 6.5 million names —8.3% of the electorate—during a Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter lists. Opposition leaders, including Rahul Gandhi, have accused the ECI of voter manipulation, alleging the inclusion of fake names and the deletion of valid voters, with claims of dual EPIC numbers issued to BJP leaders. In Mahadevapura, protests erupted over alleged voter suppression, while nationwide torch marches, signature campaigns, and rallies demanded electoral transparency. In Delhi, approximately 300 opposition leaders were detained during a march to the ECI office. Analysts have warned of 'thermonuclear fallout' for democratic trust, urging the ECI to publish voter roll data and address allegations decisively. These concerns extend beyond Bihar. In Rajasthan, former chief minister Ashok Gehlot criticised amendments to the ECI appointment process – replacing the Chief Justice of India with the Union home minister on the selection panel – as a blow to democratic integrity. In Tripura, former chief minister Manik Sarkar accused the BJP of tampering with voter rolls, undermining institutional trust. In Kerala's Thrissur, allegations of mass fake voting prompted calls for a repoll, with the education minister labelling it a 'democratic massacre.' Reports also suggest that 6.5 million citizens, particularly migrant labourers and marginalised communities, face disenfranchisement due to documentation issues, threatening the inclusive democracy Nehru championed. These incidents highlight the fragility of India's democratic scaffolding and the urgent need for institutional reform. Nehru's speech was not mere rhetoric but a blueprint for responsibility. His call to 'be brave, wise, and ready to grasp opportunity' shaped early governance, from the Panchayati Raj system that decentralised power to the establishment of nuclear and space programs under Homi Bhabha and Vikram Sarabhai. Secularism and pluralism, central to the republic's identity, helped sustain unity despite Partition's wounds. Yet, Nehru's caution that 'as long as there are tears and suffering, so long our work will not be over' remains prescient. Inequalities across caste, gender, region, and class persist, with access to quality education, healthcare, and livelihoods unevenly distributed. The political culture, too, has shifted. Nehru's warning against 'petty and destructive criticism' or 'ill will' resonates in an era of polarised discourse and image-driven politics, where credit-grabbing often overshadows institutional commitment. India's global vision, rooted in Nehru's Non-Aligned Movement, continues to inspire. By offering an alternative path for post-colonial nations, India championed a world where freedom was a universal right, not a privilege tied to superpower allegiance. This legacy endures as India supports democratic institution-building across Asia and Africa, from sharing electoral expertise to aiding infrastructure development. Yet, domestically, the nation must confront its own democratic deficits. The ECI's credibility hinges on transparent action – publishing voter data, investigating allegations, and restoring public trust. Economic policies must prioritise per capita prosperity, ensuring growth benefits the many, not just the few. Civil liberties – freedom to dissent, question, and protest—must be safeguarded as fiercely as economic targets. Pluralism, India's greatest strength, must be nurtured, not tokenised. As India celebrates yet another year of independence, the grandeur of 1947 still propels us. The nation's successes; economic, scientific, and democratic, are remarkable, yet they must be matched by renewed commitment to equality, justice, and institutional integrity. The path forward demands humility and urgency. The ECI must act decisively to restore trust, while economic policymaking must bridge the gap between national ambition and social uplift. Education and healthcare must reach the marginalised, and democracy must remain a lived reality, not a procedural formality. Nehru's 'Tryst with Destiny' was not a moment of closure but a call to perpetual action. He spoke of a future glimpsed 'in the flushing of the dawn,' urging resolve and self-awareness. In 2025, that dawn demands vigilance. Independence is not a trophy but a foundation – one that requires building roads and rights, protecting the vulnerable, and ensuring every citizen finds belonging in this republic. The noble mansion of Free India, as Nehru envisioned, is not constructed with bricks of power alone but with the steadfast labor of inclusion, the scaffolding of institutions, and the open door of opportunity. The tryst with destiny, far from redeemed, beckons us to act—not with nostalgia, but with the courage to forge a nation where liberty is real in every life, not just in every ledger. Let us step forward, as Nehru urged, with humility and ardor, to fulfil the pledge made long years ago. Amal Chandra is an author, political analyst and columnist. He posts on X @ens_socialis Thirunavukarasu S. is a Junior Research Fellow, Doctoral Research Scholar at University of Madras. The Wire is now on WhatsApp. Follow our channel for sharp analysis and opinions on the latest developments. Advertisement
The Print
a day ago
- The Print
Like a gambler, govts squandered India's legacy through mindless socialism: Nani Palkhivala
The greatest achievement of Indian democracy is that it has survived unfractured for forty-three years. Eight hundred and forty million people — more than the combined population of Africa and South America — live together as one political entity under conditions of freedom. Never before in history, and nowhere else in the world today, has one-sixth of the human race existed as a single free nation. At the stroke of midnight on 14th August 1947, Jawaharlal Nehru made his famous speech wherein he referred to India keeping her tryst with destiny and awaking to life and freedom. To review the last three and forty years in an hour is like trying to see the Himalayas at night in one flash of lightning. One thing I promise you — I shall 'nothing extenuate, nor set down aught in malice.' I would be dishonouring the memory of Pandit Nehru and of his mentor, Mahatma Gandhi, if I tried to be economical with the truth. First, we had 5000 years of civilization behind us — a civilization which had reached 'the summit of human thought'. The trader's instinct is innate in Indian genes. An Indian can buy from a jew and sell to a Scot, and yet make a profit! Secondly, whereas before 1858 India was never a united political entity, that year the accident of British rule welded us into one country, one nation; and when independence came, we had been in unified nationality for almost a century under one head of state. Thirdly, our Founding Fathers, after two long years of laborious and painful toil, gave us a Constitution which a former Chief Justice of India rightly described as 'sublime.' It was the longest Constitution in the world till, a few years ago, Yugoslavia had the impertinence to adopt a longer Constitution. The right to carry on any occupation, trade or business is again guaranteed right. The concept of 'socialism' did not figure anywhere in the Constitution as originally enacted. On the contrary, the Constitution provided for the Directive Principle of State Policy that the State shall endeavour to secure that 'the ownership and control of the material resources of the community are so distributed as best to subserve the common good' and that 'the operation of the economic system does not result in the concentration of wealth and means of production to the common detriment'. These words rule out State ownership – the Monolithic State – which is the hallmark of communism, euphemistically called socialism. India is the only country in the world where, in the States which are governed by the Communist party, human rights are fully respected — and that is only because the Bill of Rights is firmly entrenched in our national Constitution. We can proudly say that our Constitution gave us a flying start and equipped us adequately to meet the challenges of the future. Unfortunately, over the years we dissipated every advantage we started with, like a compulsive gambler bent upon squandering an invaluable legacy. I am afraid, India today is only a caricature of the noble democracy which Nehru strove to bring to life and freedom in 1947. Also read: Easier to throw off foreign tyranny than tyranny of elected representative: Nani Palkhivala Shells of socialism and state controls Successive governments imposed mindless socialism on the nation, which held in thrall the people's endeavour and enterprise. They respected the shells of socialism — state control and state ownership — while the kernel, the spirit of social justice, was left no chance of coming to life. We shut our eyes to the fact that socialism is to social justice what ritual is to religion and dogma is to truth. The peacock is our national bird, but we could have more appropriately chosen the ostrich! The Economist rightly remarked in January 1987 that socialism as practised in India has been a fraud. Our brand of socialism did not result in transfer of wealth from the rich to the poor but only from the honest rich to the dishonest rich. We built up State-Owned Enterprises — called the public sector in India. The sleeping sickness of socialism is now universally acknowledged, — but not officially in India. No less than 231 public sector enterprises are run by the Union Government, and 636 by the State Governments. These have been the black holes of our economy. There is a tidal wave of privatization sweeping across the world from Bangladesh to Brazil, but it has turned aside in its course and passed India by. The most persistent tendency in India has been to have too much government and too little administration; too many laws and too little justice; too many public servants and too little public service; too many controls and too little welfare. From the very first decade of the republic the steel claws of the permit-licence-quota raj were laid upon the national economy, and even today their grip continues with insignificant relaxation. Today the situation remains unchanged, – only the number of files has increased a thousandfold. Millions of manhours are wasted every day in coping with inane bureaucratic regulations and a torrential spate of amendments. Legal redress is so time-consuming enough to make infinity intelligible. A lawsuit once started in India is the nearest thing to eternal life ever seen on this earth. Close to two million cases are pending in the eighteen High Courts alone, and more than 2,10,000 cases in the Supreme Court for admission or final hearing or miscellaneous relief. History will record that the greatest mistake of the Indian Republic in the first forty years of its existence was to make far less investment in human resources — investment in education, family planning, nutrition and public health — than in brick and mortar, plants and factories. We had quantitative growth without qualitative development. Different parts of India still live in different centuries so far as basic amenities and cultural awareness are concerned. Also read: Private enterprise didn't fail in India. JN Tata's steel dream soared despite British ridicule Still plagued by three problems Small wonder that after forty-three years of independence, we are still plagued by three basic problems — poverty, unemployment, and foreign exchange trade deficit. India has 15 per cent of the world's population, but only 1.5 per cent of the world's income. In the four decades since we became a republic, our per capita income in real terms did not even double but increased by only 91 per cent. Today we are still the twenty-first poorest nation on earth. Perceptive observers in foreign countries where Indians work and prosper are baffled by one question — how does India, with its great human potential and natural resources, manage to remain poor? The answer is that we are not poor by nature but poor by policy. You would not be far wrong if you called India the world's leading expert in the art of perpetuating poverty. Most of our politicians and bureaucrats, untainted by knowledge of development in the outside world, have no desire to search for genes of ideas which deserve to be called 'a high-yielding variety of economics.' We are smugly reconciled to low yield from high ideals. India is rattling — and rattling violently — with spare human capacity. More than 30 million are registered on our 840 Employment Exchanges. According to objective estimates, there must be at least 20 million other unemployed who are not registered. In 1950, India ranked sixteenth in the list of exporting countries of the world; today it ranks forty-third. Using another yardstick, in 1950 India had 2.2 per cent of the world export market; today its share stands reduced to 0.45 per cent. Also read: Free education is mere jugglery of words. A hangover of anti-rational pre-Partition days Hope for the future There is no instant solution for our multitudinous problems and the short-term prospect may only be of shadows lengthening across the path, an objective overview would justify confidence in the long-term future of the country. In the affairs of nations, as in the world of elements, winds shift, tides ebb and flow, the ship rocks. Only let the anchor hold. The vitality of India is remarkable. The country does not have a powerful economy, but has all the raw materials to build one. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the Indian economy is a sleeping giant who, if awakened, could make an impact on the global economy. A nation's worth is not measured merely by its gross national product, any more than an individual's worth is measured by his bank account. Ambassador John Kenneth Galbraith remarked that while he had seen poverty in many countries of the world, he found one unusual attribute among the poor of India — 'There is richness in their poverty.' It is true that eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. But it is true, in an even deeper sense, that eternal responsibility is also part of the price of liberty. Excessive authority, without liberty, is intolerable; but excessive liberty, without authority and without responsibility, soon becomes equally intolerable. De Tocqueville made the profound observation that liberty cannot stand alone but must be paired with a companion virtue: liberty and morality; liberty and law; liberty and justice; liberty and the common good; liberty and civic responsibility. The day will come when the 26 States of India will realize that in a profound sense they are culturally akin, ethnically identical, linguistically knit, and historically related. The greatest task before India today is to acquire a keener sense of national identity, to gain the wisdom to cherish its priceless heritage, and to create a cohesive society with the cement of Indian culture. We shall then celebrate the 15th day of August not as the Day of Independence but as the Day of Inter-dependence — the dependence of the States upon one another, the dependence of our numerous communities upon one another, the dependence of the many castes and clans upon one another — in the sure knowledge that we are one nation. This essay is part of a series from the Indian Liberals archive, a project of the Centre for Civil Society. It is an excerpt from a monograph titled 'Forty-three years of Independence' published by the Forum of Free Enterprise in 1991. The original version can be accessed here.
Time of India
a day ago
- Time of India
At 103 mins, PM delivers longest I-Day speech
NEW DELHI: PM on Friday broke his own record for the longest-ever I-Day speech, speaking for 103 minutes in his address to the nation. He spoke for 98 minutes last year. Modi had first broken the record in 2015 with an 88-minute speech. In 1947, then PM Jawaharlal Nehru's first I-Day speech had lasted 72 minutes. Modi reached another milestone Friday, going past Indira Gandhi's tally by delivering his 12th consecutive speech from Red Fort. Nehru holds the overall record, having delivered 17 I-Day speeches in a row.
