Completing 11 Years As PM, Modi Has 15 Questions For You: Do You Feel Secure? Is Your Life Better?
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On the Narendra Modi App, in what is called 'Jan Man Survey', visitors are asked to name their state, constituency and answer a set of questions to provide feedback on governance
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has picked a unique way to mark 11 years of the Central government under him – seeking feedback on his governance.
On the Narendra Modi App, in what is called the 'Jan Man Survey', visitors are asked to name their state and constituency and answer a set of questions to provide feedback on governance.
Unsurprisingly, given the focus on Operation Sindoor, the first question is on India's response to counter-terrorism over the last decade. It has four options: decisively firm and proactive, strong and deterrent-focused, steady and cautious advancements, and primarily reactive in nature.
The second question, too, is also security-related, asking how secure you feel as a citizen, considering the government's actions against national security threats. The answer is to be given on a slider that can be adjusted to express confidence.
The NaMo App also asked whether India's voice is being heard and respected more internationally than before. This is a clear comparison to the UPA years.
Focusing on Vikas, or development, the survey asks which of the following developments since 2014 do you consider most significant for India? The five options are — a corruption-free government, enhancement of ease of living, improvement of ease of doing business, development in futuristic infrastructure, and all of the above.
The survey also seeks to know which of the following Digital India products or services have been used the most in the past 12 months? The 10 options are Digilocker, Umang, Arogya Setu, BHIM UPI, e-Hospital @ NIC, ABHA ID, DBT, Digi Yatra, Digital Life Certificate and Swamitva.
Similarly, the app had questions for women, asking, with the vision of women-led development, what are the most significant improvements they have witnessed? On youth, the survey seeks response on if government initiatives like Skill India, Start-up India and reforms in education have expanded opportunities for young people?
While political opponents may have mocked India's 'Make in India' initiative, the PM has posed a question on it to the citizens: How has the 'Make in India' initiative impacted the manufacturing sector? They could reply with either transformative, strong, promising or slow.
The next question asked which of the following made them proud: development and renovation of major spiritual centres, recovering stolen heritage, promoting India's heritage globally, elevating India's security personnel, and removing colonial-era symbols.
The NaMo app asked which of these have been truly transformative for governance: GST, last-mile delivery, National Education Policy, financial inclusion, future-ready infrastructure, self-reliant manufacturing, digitisation and transparency in governance, and strengthening national unity.
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Before the survey ended, came the crucial question — assess the 'presence and responsiveness of your local and national representative" in addressing public concerns. This is seen as a wake-up call for many BJP representatives who are seeking re-election.
The survey also asked whether India was moving towards a Viksit Bharat in alignment with their aspirations. It ended with a final question on the extent to which one feels 'inspired and involved" in India's development journey, setting the tone for PM Modi's vision of 2047 when he envisions India becoming developed.
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First Published:
June 09, 2025, 16:37 IST
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Forcibly detaining individuals and physically throwing them out of the country violates Article 21 of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees the right to life and personal liberty, applies to all persons within India's territory, regardless of their citizenship status, said Rita Manchanda, research director at the South Asia Forum for Human Rights. This has been underlined by the Supreme Court in several judgements, she noted. The same article was also violated when the Indian authorities deported Rohingya refugees, forcing them into a country that is gripped by civil war and where they face genocide, experts say. 'Pushing them into an active war zone poses a direct threat to their life,' said Anghuman Choudhury, a doctoral candidate in Comparative Asian Studies jointly at the National University of Singapore and King's College London. Choudhury emphasised that Sarma's statement that deportations will be carried out 'without legal process' violates of Article 14 of the Constitution. This article guarantees equality before the law and equal protection of the law to everyone within Indian territory. 'Everyone has a right to be heard as per law,' he said. 'You cannot just pick up any suspected foreigner – even the suspected foreigner needs to go through the legal process.' Besides, these processes have been instituted to ensure that no Indian citizens are expelled from their country, he added. Is this a new policy? Experts told Scroll that while India had engaged in 'push backs' of foreigners before, it had never adopted this as a strategy for deportations. Contrary to Sarma's claim that 'pushbacks' are a 'new innovation', this method has been used on the India-Bangladesh border since at leastt 1979, said Choudhury, the doctoral candidate – but the purpose has changed. Until recently, 'pushbacks' meant that the Assam border police or the Border Security Force would stop individuals they spotted trying to enter India from Bangladeshi territory and force them to return or would 'push back' those who had managed to cross the border into India. 'But those were ad hoc cases,' Choudhury said. 'What we are seeing today seems to be a more large-scale systematic policy.' What is also unusual is India's decision to 'push back' refugees, said Nandita Haksar. 'The rate and cruelty with which refugees, including those recognised by the [United Nations High Commission for Refugees] are being deported even at the risk of their lives is new and disturbing,' she said. Ravi Nair agreed. 'India had pushed back people before…,' he said. 'But this kind of pure abduction and putting them into no man's land is clearly crossing the Rubicon.' Violation of domestic law and due process The legal process for deportations in India is articulated in a Standard Operating Procedure issued by the Union Ministry of Home Affairs in 2011. All deportations must be initiated by the Ministry of External Affairs sending the identity details of the apprehended foreigner to their country's embassy. The person can be deported only after confirmation of the person's nationality has been received through these diplomatic channels. The current 'pushback' policy bypasses these procedures, Nair said. 'We have to submit the names and the documents of alleged Bangladeshi nationals to the government of Bangladesh,' he said. 'Once those are verified and Bangladesh is willing to take them, then they are sent back. That is clearly not being followed.' Last month, Scroll reported that 40 Rohingya refugees who had been detained in Delhi alleged that they had been forced off a navy vessel in the Andaman Sea with life jackets on May 7 and told to swim towards Myanmar. Choudhury pointed out that the deportations of Rohingya refugees in this manner violated a 2021 order of the Supreme Court. In a case requesting a halt to the expulsions of Rohingya refugees, the court had said that they could be deported. But it explicitly mandated that deportations must adhere to due process, a directive that appears to be 'directly violated' by the current policy, Choudhury said. Breach of international law Experts told Scroll that 'pushing back' refugees violated India's obligations under international law and customary international law. The principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits states from returning individuals to a country where they would face persecution, is considered jus cogens – a peremptory norm of international law binding on all states. 'The principle of non-refoulement is also seen as a customary international law,' making it binding even if a country has not ratified specific conventions, Choudhury said. India is not a signatory to the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol. 'But as a member of the UN General Assembly, which is the parent body of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, India is strongly expected to adhere by customary international law,' he said. 'Customary law transcends treaty obligations.' He pointed out that India is a signatory to the Bangkok Principles on Status and Treatment of Refugees, issued in 2001, and the United Nations Global Compact on Refugees, which India signed in 2018. Both mandate non-refoulement as a principle to be upheld by their signatories. India is also a signatory to the Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. These treaties too contain provisions that implicitly or explicitly uphold the principle of non-refoulement, particularly concerning the right to family unity and protection from inhuman treatment, said Aman Kumar, a PhD candidate at the Australian National University who runs the Indian Blog of International Law. 'When you return female refugees back to Myanmar, or you separate children from their parents through deportations, you violate these treaties,' Kumar said. He noted that India had an 'extensive and wide record of accepting refugees as a state practice.' He pointed to asylum granted over the decades to tens of thousands of refugees from Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Tibet, in stark contrast to the current Indian government's hostility towards Rohingya refugees. Scrutiny of policy unlikely Internationally, India's 'pushback' policy is likely to attract scrutiny from United Nations agencies. On May 15, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of Human Rights in Myanmar began an inquiry into alleged deportation of 40 Rohingya refugees from Delhi. The special rapporteur, Thomas Andrews, described these alleged acts as 'unconscionable' and 'unacceptable'. Many experts told Scroll that India is already receiving bad press on the issue internationally. However, direct action against India would face significant hurdles. If a country violates treaty obligations, action could be launched against it in the United Nations' International Court of Justice. But geopolitical realities often deter international action, Kumar said. 'India is too strategically important as a huge market and a potential alternative to China in the global supply chain,' he said. As a consequence, he does not foresee another country taking India to the International Court of Justice. In theory, Bangladesh – the country most affected by this policy – could start proceedings against India in the International Criminal Court, said Nair. 'Even though India is not a party to the International Criminal Court, Bangladesh is,' he said. 'A state party can bring a complaint against a non-state party before the court.' However, he said, that possibility was remote because Bangladesh is unlikely to want to aggravate India at a time of fraught relations between the two. Manchanda said that India may face some heat at the United Nations Human Rights Council's upcoming session on June 16. 'I expect that there will be statements made by civil society groups expressing outrage at what India is doing,' she said. She pointed out that in June 2024, the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination had called for India to refrain from forcibly detaining and deporting Rohingya refugees to Myanmar. But Manchanda said she was 'unsure about how much traction this would get.' Kumar did not believe the policy would be halted. 'Legally there is essentially nothing stopping India from continuing to carry out such deportations,' he said.
