
How to Save the Amazon - A Journalist's Deadly Quest for Answers: fascinating insight into mechanics of Brazilian corruption
having been shot dead by two local fishermen
.
Though Phillips's disappearance made international headlines, he was a secondary target, killed as a witness to the murder of Pereira, against whom the two fishermen bore a grudge, blaming him for confiscations of their illegal catches.
Such is the rampant intimidation of activists and journalists by illegal operators in the Amazon, however, that it is likely Phillips, had he lived, would have in time become a target himself.
Phillips's book is an analysis of the various threats facing the Amazon, largely from deforestation for beef and soy farming, much of it illegal but which authorities either encourage (as under Jair Bolsonaro) or lack the political will or resources to combat (as under Lula and Dilma Rousseff). But he also explores sustainable development solutions, many of which are proffered by regional players, with the aim of keeping indigenous economies viable while protecting the rainforest.
READ MORE
The book was completed and
brought to publication by a number of collaborators
, all of whom knew Phillips to some degree, following the notes he left behind. The resulting volume is clearly not quite the one that Phillips would himself have completed, but it is not any the worse for that. Though it has the air of an anthology of essays after the halfway point, there is due care given by the various collaborators to Philipps's intent. It is also clear that he was viewed with great affection by those that knew him.
[
Six months after the murder of Dom Phillips and Bruno Pereira, the Amazon remains unsafe
Opens in new window
]
While the fate of the Amazon is something that concerns the whole planet, as Phillips himself was insistent upon, this book is also a fascinating, if depressing, insight into the mechanics of Brazilian politics and corruption and the various strategies of resistance towards that corruption by indigenous and ecological groups. That might make the book appear just a little too particular for many readers, but for those with an interest in
Brazil
, it is a worthy extra selling point.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Irish Times
2 hours ago
- Irish Times
Ireland's electricity infrastructure policy rewiring should be a matter of public debate
Last month, one of Ireland's most significant policy statements this century regarding our infrastructure was published by the Department of Climate, Energy and the Environment . The policy statement on private wires - a major change to our electricity infrastructure , allowing for private lines to be constructed and connected between private generators and energy sources to users - will soon form a significant part of the government's agenda. The prospect of private wires offers a number of solutions in a number of areas. For example, it will potentially expand (private) electricity infrastructure for charging electric vehicles . By far the most interesting recent design development in this realm is the German company Rheinmetall's Curb Charger, which fits flush into a pavement, meaning no obtrusive charging arms or ugly charging stations that add to street clutter. READ MORE These policy changes will also allow data centres to bypass the electricity grid and connect directly to generators and energy sources such as wind and solar farms, thus fuelling themselves independently. This is policy that Big Tech seeks, and forms part of government strategy to support data centres. It can also be framed as a solution, albeit reactionary, to the pressure on our electricity grid. Data centres consume 22 per cent of all metered electricity in Ireland, representing a 531 per cent rise in a decade. As AI takes hold, the energy needed to power data centres is going to increase in ways that are almost difficult to conceptualise. [ Electricity storage policy and 'private wires' regime to speed up renewables delivery Opens in new window ] Amazon and Meta, with foresight, have already privately built wind farms, or wholesale bought the entire energy output of Ireland's largest solar farms. The reality is, energy infrastructure and the amount of power needed to fuel data centres is not expanding as quickly as AI and the data centres that run it are. Therefore, depending on how you view things, governments need to be dynamic in their policy responses, or the data centre tail is now wagging the electricity infrastructure dog. Remember, the 'cloud' is not a cloud. It's physical, and takes the form of gigantic, energy-ravenous buildings that pockmark the landscape around Dublin. There are plenty of questions about this next phase of the data centre boom in Ireland. Photographer: Liesa Johannssen-Koppitz/ Bloomberg As a nation, Ireland is now known as the data centre capital of the world. Unfortunately, we are not the energy infrastructure capital of the world. The grid could not take the number of connections being demanded. Something had to be done, because the die was cast. Right now, the majority of Ireland's data centres (and there are plenty more planned) are concentrated around the Greater Dublin Area, due to electricity and fibre infrastructure practical realities. This has put huge pressure on the grid, particularly in the capital, leading to a series of rolling tensions between the Commission for Regulation of Utilities (CRU), ESB Networks, local authorities, ministers, central government, Big Tech, the data centre industry, and their lobbying ecosystem. But what if the grid didn't matter? Data centres in the Dublin area that were denied grid connections may now have another option at powering themselves. Land bought up by data centre companies may now be viable for development. But what if Dublin was no longer the most convenient location for data centres? In the future, it will make more sense for data centres to be located closer to where offshore wind comes ashore. [ Cabinet approves scenarios for firms to build private electricity lines in Ireland Opens in new window ] So what if data centres could bypass both the grid and capital, and connect to energy sources via private wires and power themselves independently, anywhere? And what are the consequences of data centres potentially moving away from the Greater Dublin Area? We have already encountered many consequences regarding the first part of the data centre boom: the significant proportion of our metered electricity use and the ensuing grid capacity and connection issues. What will a new phase of the boom bring? Some of those consequences may begin to be felt in rural Ireland. The same month the Irish government published their policy statement, a cartoon by Lynn Hsu ran in The New Yorker, showing a father and son standing before a vast field. The caption read, 'One day, son, this farmland will be yours to sell to a tech company building a data centre'. [ Ireland's electricity grid struggles with increased supply from renewables Opens in new window ] Unlocking agricultural land for data centre development is an emerging matter of contention in the US. For example, Meta is building the largest data centre in the western hemisphere in rural Louisiana on what used to be soybean fields. Back in Ireland, Amazon and Bord na Móna have already announced a 'strategic collaboration', welcoming Amazon Web Services to Bord na Móna's 'Eco Energy Park'. Amazon also has a power purchase agreement with Derrinlough Windfarm in Offaly. Is rural Ireland ready for more? Building hyperscale data centres and the energy infrastructure to fuel them privately, obviously means buying land. Would an expansion into rural Ireland be met with enthusiasm by land-owning (and selling) farmers? What are the zoning implications? Will this be framed as investment in rural Ireland when data centres do not provide significant employment and the real jobs in the companies that own them are far away? Will rural grassroots organising resist industrial development? Or will data centres remain concentrated in Dublin, Meath, Louth, and Wicklow? There are plenty of questions about this next phase of the data centre boom in Ireland these policy changes will instigate. But at the very least, our electricity infrastructure policy being rewired should be a matter of public debate.


Irish Times
17 hours ago
- Irish Times
Opposition must be wary of slating Trump's Washington DC crackdown
My sister is having a bad summer. Even as I'm typing this, Peggy is at [Washington] DC police headquarters. We had dinner in Georgetown recently and when we came back to my house, where her car was parked, she was short a Buick. Two polite officers who responded to our call said they could do little, amid a rash of brazen car thefts by teenagers. READ MORE One officer said that even if they saw the perp driving her car, they could not chase him because of laws passed by the DC council. Kids – some too young to drive legally – can just hot-wire cars to go home. Two 15-year-olds are charged in a carjacking attack on a former DOGE [department of government efficiency] employee who helped set off US president Donald Trump 's crusade on crime in the district. The council has been notoriously lax toward juvenile offenders. Peggy had always loved that Buick, which she bought because Peyton Manning was the pitchman. We figured we'd never see it again. The next morning, though, an officer from Prince George's County, a working-class Maryland suburb, banged on her door. Her car was found in a park, running and nearly out of gas. When she collected it, after paying a $215 (€214) towing charge, she found an odoriferous collection: half-eaten pizza, soda cans, fast-food wrappers, a used condom and a couple of debit cards. She called police to tell them about the debit cards, thinking they could help trace the thieves. (Our dad, after all, was a DC cop.) But officers said to throw them away, noting that the cardholders had probably already gotten new ones. Peggy got the car detailed and celebrated its return by going shopping at Bloomingdale's. When she got back to her parking space, someone had T-boned the poor Buick [collided with the car]. [ Genteel streets of Washington's Georgetown meet national guard in Trump's crime crackdown Opens in new window ] Then, icing on the cake, she got more than $1,800 worth of speed-camera tickets that the car thieves had racked up going 70 in 25mph (40km/h) zones, and some for running red lights. One ticket revealed that the car was stolen just after she got out of it, at 7pm, still light outside. For all we know, the thieves watched her get out. She had to go down to headquarters on Friday to get the police report so she could appeal the tickets. It's hardly the most heinous crime, but you hear a lot about Washingtonians and their personal experiences of being preyed upon. City officials and many liberal residents are outraged about Trump's painting the district as a hellscape and flooding the zone with law enforcement and troops. Protesters around town held up signs reading 'Fascists' and a department of justice employee (now fired) threw a Subway sandwich at an officer and was charged with assault. It's ridiculous to drag FBI agents from their desks to be cops on the beat. And the tableau of national guard troops – even unarmed – raises the spectre of martial law being normalised and weaponised. (Armed and masked border patrol agents showing up at a Gavin Newsom gerrymandering speech in Los Angeles was disturbing.) It is also true that many district residents are secretly glad to see more uniforms. No matter what statistics say, they don't feel safe. I've always been hypervigilant. My mom, the wife of a policeman, passed down a healthy paranoia. She drove me to move into my dorm at Catholic University with a butcher knife on the seat between us. She gave me a Chinese letter opener with written instructions on how to find the jugular. At Christmas, there was always a can of pepper spray or a whistle among the presents. I find myself packing pepper spray again. I feel more wary walking around the city. It's disturbing to ask someone to unlock the Claritin at CVS because the police don't lock up the smash-and-grabbers. Drugstores, as Bill Maher said, have become a 'zoo for teeth-whitening strips'. Trump is playing the saviour on crime when he's the biggest scofflaw [law breaker] in town – first inciting the mob on January 6th and then pardoning felons who broke into the Capitol and beat up police officers. Elie Honig, a CNN legal analyst and author of the forthcoming book, When You Come at the King: Inside DOJ's Pursuit of the President, From Nixon to Trump, summed up the dilemma. 'Yes, Trump is hypocritical and scattershot on public safety,' he told me. 'And yes, he's likely doing this as a flex. But he happens to be within the law here and he happens to be right.' [ Trump sends troops into Washington DC: distraction tactic or part of wider policy? Opens in new window ] While the district's homicide rate has fallen, it's almost as high as New York City's at its most dangerous, in 1990. In the Atlantic, Michael Powell noted that the reality of crime is grimmest in Wards 7 and 8, the disadvantaged, majority-Black neighbourhoods where more than half of the district's homicides occurred last year. 'I have no doubt that Trump enjoys targeting Democratic-controlled cities for embarrassment,' Powell writes. 'I also have little doubt that a mother in Ward 8 might draw comfort from a National Guard soldier standing watch near her child's school.' The diva of distraction is putting on a show. ( They're eating the cats and the dogs!) But progressives should not fall into Trump's trap and downplay crime, once more getting on the wrong side of an inflammatory issue. As with inflation, they should remember that personal experiences can count more than sanguine statistics. Even if Trump is being diabolical, Democrats should not pretend that everything is fine here. Because it's not. This article originally appeared in The New York Times .


Irish Times
a day ago
- Irish Times
BBC reporter Peter Taylor: ‘People forget how we got to Good Friday – how precious it is'
In a lifetime as a journalist, Peter Taylor has spent his career searching for the answer to a single question. His introduction to Ireland was Derry on the evening of January 30th, 1972; only hours earlier, 13 people had been killed when members of the British army's Parachute Regiment opened fire on anti-internment marchers in the city's Bogside, with a 14th dying later. 'I felt guilty that my soldiers – me being a Brit – appeared to have been responsible for what appeared to be a massacre, and I felt guilty that I, as a young, 30-year-old journalist, was so ignorant. 'I thought, I'd better find out, and I spent the next 50 years. It was a seminal moment for me.' READ MORE Taylor had found his calling; in the years that followed, his quest to understand what had happened, and why, made the BBC journalist, to quote this newspaper, 'by far the most knowledgeable British – or Irish – television reporter on Northern Irish affairs'. He has won many awards for his work, including Journalist of the Year and Lifetime Achievements Awards from both BAFTA and the Royal Television Society. He revealed Derry businessman Brendan Duddy as the intermediary between the IRA and the British government in 2008's The Secret Peacemaker, while his most recent documentary – and accompanying book – tells the previously untold story of Operation Chiffon, a top-secret British intelligence operation aimed at bringing the IRA's armed campaign to an end. [ 'Secret peacemaker' Brendan Duddy 'risked life for peace' Opens in new window ] [ Brendan Duddy: From chip-shop owner to secret peacemaker Opens in new window ] Yet it might have begun so differently. In 1972 Taylor was working for Thames Television's This Week programme when instinct told him 'there was likely to be trouble on the march, given what had happened at Magilligan [the week before], when the Paras had laid into the civil right marchers.' He suggested they cover it; a plan for three camera crews – one with the British army, one with the marchers and another roaming free – was 'all set to go' until the union 'vetoed its members going because Thames Television wouldn't agree to pay danger money'. They might have had footage 'of everything', concedes Taylor with a groan of regret. 'That was one of the great what-ifs, and I was so pissed off, angry, and that was just one of those things.' At home in London that Sunday afternoon, he heard what had happened on the news and immediately joined 'the long queue of journalists on a flight to Belfast'. 'I actually arrived in Derry on the night of the killings … I think I stayed in a B&B, and I remember going to bed that night nervous in case a sniper would hit me through the window. It just shows how alien my mindset was.' The next morning, he went to the Bogside. 'That's where I saw the wreaths and the blood relatively fresh on the ground, and knocked on doors. 'I was welcomed, rather than excoriated, as a visiting Brit. I always remember that.' This week he was welcomed back to Derry yet again, as a guest of the city's féile. He has visited old friends, including the Duddy family, and enjoyed chance meetings with everyone from Eamonn McCann to the Undertones' Mickey Bradley. 'It's nostalgic, it's invigorating, it's sad, it brings back memories, it's great to see how things have changed.' [ Eamonn McCann: 'How did I get to be 80? This doesn't feel like 80 is supposed to feel' Opens in new window ] Eamonn McCann and Peter Taylor at a concert at Derry's Féile last weekend Taylor points out that the hotel terrace where he is speaking to The Irish Times 'used to be the Brits' barracks, Ebrington Barracks … and here we are on a beautiful sunny morning, people out, relaxing, running, lots of tourists. Normality. It's beautiful.' 'Yet just over there, in the Bogside and in the Fountain, are huge bonfires,' he says. Sectarianism 'is still there … it has never gone away'. But compared with the Derry he first knew in 1972, the 'transformation is phenomenal, and it's the peace dividend, the result of [the] Good Friday [Belfast Agreement], and we must never forget what we all went through … and we have to protect it. It's not over. 'People forget how we got to Good Friday, and how precious it is, and we forget that at our peril, and in the end, those historical knots have to be untied, and something has to emerge which transforms the nature of the Irish State, Irish society. 'And unionists, loyalists, have to be party to it, that's the key thing.' With the caveat that 'there's no such thing as historical inevitability', he believes 'if you look at the history of Ireland, the division of Ireland, there is a certain inevitability that in the end, at some stage, further down the road and all those qualifications, in the next 20, 30 years there is likely to be some form of unity.' In the meantime, 'an awful lot of work has to be done … I don't think the work has been done on our side, the British side, that is being done on the Irish side, and both sides need to work together to try and work out a formula that would work and be acceptable. BBC journalist Peter Taylor in Derry. Photograph: Trevor McBride 'It has to be engagement, dialogue, intimate discussions between the two governments' and reassurance 'that all that is dear to unionists and loyalists is still there, and the traditions on both sides have to be respected'. 'The big obstacle to that is sectarianism … but despite that, the effort has to be made, because I think there is no other solution.' More than 50 years on, many questions remain, not least for Taylor himself. After all his searching, has he found his answer? 'Not to my satisfaction yet, because there are still too many unknowns and too much has to happen.' The next programme he wants to make 'would be a realistic analysis of what the possibility of a united Ireland is, in whatever form it may be – and that will be the thing to consider'. Yet he is all too aware of how journalism is 'under threat' from multiple challenges from disinformation and claims of 'fake news' to a 'desperate' shortage of resources. He compares how he was able to report first-hand from Bogside in the immediate aftermath of Bloody Sunday to the situation now in Gaza, 'where [BBC correspondent] Jeremy Bowen and his colleagues are not allowed, The Irish Times is not allowed to have access.' A journalist's job 'is to report accurately, as independently as one can and, in particular, to get up the closest to the truth of what the situation is like'. 'I want to hear from Jeremy Bowen or John Simpson or whoever in one of the food distribution centres saying, I believe that what has happened here is true, and it's difficult to find a word other than genocide to describe it.' [ John Simpson: 'It's been great to watch how Ireland went from a pretty backward country to a real powerhouse in Europe' Opens in new window ] In Derry, Taylor did get up close; he is respected as one who listened, who gave people a voice, and who told their story. 'At my talk, I got two or three cards and notes from people, just saying, 'thank you'. I got the 'thank you' many times from people, who just said, 'thank you, for all you've done'. 'That means a huge – it means so much. It means more than anything.'