logo
Pakistan-US Counterterrorism Cooperation Takes Big Strides Forward

Pakistan-US Counterterrorism Cooperation Takes Big Strides Forward

The Diplomata day ago
The U.S. has designated the Balochistan Liberation Army a foreign terrorist organization and included the TTP in the bilateral counterterrorism dialogue.
American and Pakistani officials pose for a group photograph during the bilateral Counterterrorism Dialogue, held at Islamabad, Pakistan, on August 12, 2025.
The Pakistan-United States defense relationship has entered a promising new phase.
On August 11, the U.S. State Department designated the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) as a 'foreign terrorist organization.' In a statement, Secretary of State Marco Rubio said the move 'demonstrates the Trump Administration's commitment to countering terrorism.'
The BLA, which is responsible for deadly attacks in Pakistan's Balochistan province, was labeled a 'specially designated global terrorist' (SDGT) organization in 2019. With the FTO designation, the militant group now faces a tougher operational environment. BLA members worldwide will come under increased scrutiny, travel restrictions, and financial sanctions in the U.S. and the European Union. They will, therefore, encounter more difficulties in fundraising, recruitment, and cross-border movement. This designation aligns the U.S. more closely with Pakistan's security priorities and could facilitate greater intelligence-sharing and coordinated efforts to dismantle the BLA's networks.
The growing bilateral partnership is likely driven by high-level meetings and efforts to fight militant threats in the region. This is highly important from Pakistan's perspective as it will impact the country's security, economic progress, and global reputation.
Foremost among the high-level meetings driving the security cooperation is Pakistan Army Chief General Asim Munir's visits to the United States. He has visited the U.S. twice in recent months, in June and August, which reflects a renewed commitment to strengthening military and strategic ties with Washington.
On August 10, Munir attended the U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) change-of-command ceremony and held high-level discussions with U.S. military and political leaders. This visit built on earlier meetings, including a notable lunch with U.S. President Donald Trump in June.
Munir's interactions seem focused on pushing cooperation in the fields of counterterrorism, trade, and regional stability. His efforts have added a 'new dimension' to Pakistan-U.S. ties and have served to shift relations from an era of coldness that followed the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan four years ago to a new partnership based on shared security goals.
The bilateral relationship is not just confined to leadership-level statements but is being followed up with delegation-level talks. Many ideas emerging from this dialogue are at the implementation phase.
On August 12, Pakistan and the United States conducted a joint Counterterrorism Dialogue to deepen cooperation in the area. The Counterterrorism Dialogue was co-chaired by Pakistan's Special Secretary to the United Nations, Nabeel Munir, and U.S. Acting Coordinator for Counterterrorism Gregory D. LoGerfo. It emphasized joint efforts to combat militant groups like BLA, the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP), and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). This is the first time in a long time that bilateral dialogue between the U.S. and Pakistan included discussion of militant groups like the BLA and TTP that Pakistan perceives as national security threats.
For Pakistan, these developments are highly impactful. The BLA's terrorist designation and the resulting global pressure on its members will strengthen Pakistan's efforts against terrorism, especially in Balochistan and along the Afghan border. Moreover, the expected increase in U.S. support could improve Pakistan's counterterrorism capabilities through better training, technology, and intelligence.
However, Pakistan must carefully manage this partnership to maintain its strategic autonomy and balance relations with the U.S., China, and regional powers like Iran. The strengthened Pakistan-U.S. relationship could boost Pakistan's role as a regional stabilizer amid Middle Eastern tensions and ongoing rivalries with India.
The evolving Pakistan-U.S. defense relationship, which is marked by high-level engagements and counterterrorism cooperation, provides Pakistan with a chance to bolster its security. However, the cooperation, even after all expressions of interest from both sides, may not grow to the level that existed when U.S. troops were stationed in Afghanistan.
Still, it is good news for Pakistan as it has been trying to win Washington's support for its counterterrorism efforts, citing them as a threat to the global community. Pakistan's Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi recently told a visiting U.S. delegation that Islamabad 'stands as a wall between terrorism and the rest of the world.' He urged the international community to extend full cooperation to Pakistan, stressing that groups like the TTP are a global threat.
In a notable statement on Pakistan's Independence Day, Rubio expressed strong appreciation for Pakistan's efforts in counterterrorism and commerce.
The BLA's designation as a terrorist group and the inclusion of the TTP in the Pakistan-U.S. counterterrorism dialogue show that Pakistan has been able to convince Washington that these groups are a mutual security concern.
Going forward, Pakistan needs to navigate its emerging partnership with the U.S. strategically, ensuring it develops into more than just transactional cooperation. It is only then that Pakistan can truly reap the benefits of this cooperation, especially in terms of counterterrorism gains.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

PlayStation prices rise as U.S. tariffs bite
PlayStation prices rise as U.S. tariffs bite

Japan Today

timean hour ago

  • Japan Today

PlayStation prices rise as U.S. tariffs bite

US tariffs have left companies like PlayStation-maker Sony to choose whether to pass higher costs on to consumers or take a hit to their profit Sony on Wednesday said it is bumping up the price of PlayStation 5 video game consoles by $50 in the United States due to a "challenging economic environment." Tariffs imposed by President Donald Trump hike the cost of goods brought into the U.S., leaving companies like Japan's Sony to decide whether to pass that on to consumers. "Similar to many global businesses, we continue to navigate a challenging economic environment," Sony Interactive Entertainment vice president of global marketing Isabelle Tomatis said in a post. After initially being threatened with a 25 percent hike, Japan negotiated a 15 percent tariff with the Trump administration. "As a result, we've made the difficult decision to increase the recommended retail price for PlayStation 5 consoles in the U.S." The new price for PS5 will be $550, with a "Digital Edition" priced at $500 and a Pro version for $750, according to Tomatis. In May, Sony warned it was considering tweaking prices in the U.S., estimating that tariffs could wind up costing the company about $680 million in the fiscal year. American companies are feeling the crunch, too. New York-based cosmetics giant Estee Lauder recently estimated the impact of the new tariffs at around $100 million for the 2026 financial year and plans to adjust its prices to offset the additional cost. U.S. snack giant PepsiCo could increase prices of its soft drinks about 10 percent to mitigate effects of U.S. tariffs, particularly those on imported aluminum used to make soda cans, according to trade magazine Beverage Digest. Meanwhile, California-based energy drink maker Monster Beverages is considering raising prices due to a "complex and dynamic customs landscape," according to chief executive Hilton Schlosberg. The Commerce Department this week said the U.S. broadened its steel and aluminum tariffs, impacting hundreds more products that contain both metals such as child seats, tableware and heavy equipment. Since returning to the presidency, Trump has imposed tariffs on almost all U.S. trading partners. Though the impact of Trump's tariffs on consumer prices has been limited so far, economists warn that their full effects are yet to be seen. Some businesses have coped by bringing forward purchases of products they expected will encounter tariffs. Others have passed on additional costs to their consumers, or absorbed a part of the fresh tariff burden. © 2025 AFP

Trump administration imposes new sanctions on four ICC judges, prosecutors
Trump administration imposes new sanctions on four ICC judges, prosecutors

Japan Today

timean hour ago

  • Japan Today

Trump administration imposes new sanctions on four ICC judges, prosecutors

By Humeyra Pamuk and Anthony Deutsch President Donald Trump's administration on Wednesday imposed sanctions on two judges and two prosecutors at the International Criminal Court, as Washington ramped up its pressure on the war tribunal over its targeting of Israeli leaders and a past decision to investigate U.S. officials. In a statement, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio called the court "a national security threat that has been an instrument for lawfare" against the United States and Israel. The move drew ire from France and the United Nations. Paris urged Washington to withdraw the sanctions, while the ICC said it deplored the designations, calling them "a flagrant attack" against the independence of an impartial judicial institution. Washington designated Nicolas Yann Guillou of France, Nazhat Shameem Khan of Fiji, Mame Mandiaye Niang of Senegal, and Kimberly Prost of Canada, according to the U.S. Treasury and State Department. All officials have been involved in cases linked to Israel and the United States. "United States has been clear and steadfast in our opposition to the ICC's politicization, abuse of power, disregard for our national sovereignty, and illegitimate judicial overreach," Rubio said. "I urge countries that still support the ICC, many of whose freedom was purchased at the price of great American sacrifices, to resist the claims of this bankrupt institution." The second round of sanctions comes less than three months after the administration took the unprecedented step of slapping sanctions on four separate ICC judges. The escalation will likely impede the functioning of the court and the prosecutor's office as they deal with major cases, including war crime allegations against Russia over its invasion of Ukraine. ICC judges issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, former Israeli defense chief Yoav Gallant, and Hamas leader Ibrahim al-Masri last November for alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity during the Gaza conflict. In March 2020, prosecutors opened an investigation in Afghanistan that included looking into possible crimes by U.S. troops, but since 2021, it has deprioritized the role of the U.S. and focused on alleged crimes committed by the Afghan government and the Taliban forces. The ICC, which was established in 2002, has international jurisdiction to prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes in member states or if a situation is referred by the U.N. Security Council. Although the ICC has jurisdiction over war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in its 125 member countries, some nations, including the U.S., China, Russia, and Israel, do not recognize its authority. It has high-profile war crimes investigations under way into the Israel-Hamas conflict, as well as in Sudan, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Venezuela. UNDERMINING INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE Both France and the United Nations said the judges' work is crucial for international justice. "Their role is essential in the fight against impunity," a statement from the French Foreign Ministry said. The U.S. sanctions undermine the foundation of international justice, U.N. spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said, adding: "The (U.S.) decision imposes severe impediments on the functioning of the office of the prosecutor." Netanyahu's office issued a statement welcoming the U.S. sanctions. The designations freeze any U.S. assets the individuals may have and essentially cut them off from the U.S. financial system. Guillou is an ICC judge who presided over a pre-trial panel that issued the arrest warrant for Netanyahu. Khan and Niang are the court's two deputy prosecutors. Canadian Judge Kimberly Prost served on an ICC appeals chamber that, in March 2020, unanimously authorized the ICC prosecutor to investigate alleged war crimes and crimes against humanity committed in Afghanistan since 2003, including examining the role of U.S. service members. The Trump administration's dislike of the court goes back to his first term. In 2020, Washington imposed sanctions on then-prosecutor Fatou Bensouda and one of her top aides over the court's work on Afghanistan. Countering Rubio's call to other countries to oppose the ICC, the court urged member states to stand in solidarity. "The Court calls upon States Parties and all those who share the values of humanity and the rule of law to provide firm and consistent support to the Court and its work carried out in the sole interest of victims of international crimes," it said. © Thomson Reuters 2025.

China Slowly Making Security Inroads in Southeast Asia, Report Says
China Slowly Making Security Inroads in Southeast Asia, Report Says

The Diplomat

time8 hours ago

  • The Diplomat

China Slowly Making Security Inroads in Southeast Asia, Report Says

While the U.S. is still the region's security partner of choice, Sydney's Lowy Institute has noted a growing divide between mainland and maritime Southeast Asia. China's efforts to build up its security engagement with the nations of Southeast Asia are starting to make progress, Sydney's Lowy Institute Analysis said in a new report, although the United States remains by far the region's most influential security player. The report, published yesterday, analyzed Southeast Asia's defense agreements, dialogues, and joint military exercises with ten countries: Australia, Canada, China, France, India, Japan, Russia, South Korea, the United Kingdom, and the United States. It noted a broad expansion of these engagements over the past decade, as Southeast Asian nations have sought to diversify their defense partnerships in a context of growing strategic competition between China and the United States. As a result, the report said, 'the landscape for defense cooperation in Southeast Asia is becoming more complex and contested.' An important part of this, as the report notes, has been China's attempts to bolster its defense engagement with the region, as a complement to its strong economic and trade ties. While this is intended to challenge the predominance that the U.S. has enjoyed since the end of World War II, Beijing's efforts have had patchy results. According to the Lowy Institute's analysis, the U.S. was the top overall defense partner for Southeast Asia, leading the region for both military exercises and dialogue mechanisms, and ranking equal first with India for the number of defense agreements signed between 2017 and 2024. China only ranks eighth overall, and sixth for the number of dialogue mechanisms, defense agreements, and combined military exercises. Beijing's efforts have been heavily weighted toward the five nations of mainland Southeast Asia (Thailand, Myanmar, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam), which have, in general, seen much less interest from external defense partners than the maritime region. This is likely due to China's growing maritime assertiveness, particularly in the South China Sea, which has led to a raft of new defense initiatives involving the Philippines in particular, but also with Indonesia and Singapore. This has allowed China to make more substantial inroads in mainland Southeast Asia. China is now the top defense partner for Laos and Cambodia, while also bolstering its engagement with Thailand, which saw its security engagement with its U.S. treaty ally drop after the military coup of 2014. China also remains a key defense partner of the Myanmar military, which is currently fighting to maintain its hold on power in the face of a coalition of resistance forces and ethnic armed groups. While China has made some recent gains in terms of strengthening its defense ties with Indonesia and Malaysia, the current trends point toward a possible intra-regional split within Southeast Asia into areas of relative Chinese and American defense influence. The region 'risks dividing into two camps: maritime countries with deep defense ties to the United States and its allies, and mainland countries lacking such cooperation,' Susannah Patton, the report's co-author and the Institute's deputy research director, said in a statement accompanying the report's release. However, it is also true that not all defense agreements are created equally. As the Lowy Institute report notes, U.S. and Japanese engagement tends to serve a more practical function. As an example, it cited the Acquisition and Cross-Servicing Agreement (ACSA) that the U.S. signed with Malaysia, Singapore, and Thailand in 2005. This covers logistical support, supplies, and equipment used during exercises between U.S. forces and their Southeast Asian counterparts. Chinese engagement, on the other hand, is more likely to be subordinated to diplomatic and political goals. China's defense agreements with countries such as Brunei, Malaysia, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam 'are mostly vague and symbolic, containing only general commitments to cooperation and dialogue.' Most of China's agreements 'lack substantive provisions for technology transfer, combined training, or intelligence sharing.' The report notes that China is also more restrained and cautious in how it engages in joint military exercises with Southeast Asian partners. 'Interoperability is conspicuously lacking in China's military exercises with regional partners, a reflection of Beijing's reluctance to expose its capabilities, and differences in systems and doctrines,' the report stated. 'China's cautious stance has in turn bred mistrust.' Elsewhere, the report's findings reflected the region's attempts to escape the U.S.-China binary by building defense partnerships with other prominent regional partners. The report notes that between 2017 and 2024, Australia, India, and Japan have 'signed more defense agreements with Southeast Asian countries than China and the United States combined.' Moreover, 'If Canada and South Korea are included, the collective figures for the middle powers dwarf those of the United States and China.' Overall, the report points to the limits of China's defense engagement with the region, and suggests that the current trend, of deepening economic integration with China alongside growing security cooperation with the U.S. and its partners and allies, is likely to continue. Given that new defense cooperation initiatives from the United States and its allies focus largely on the maritime region – unsurprisingly, given the ongoing tensions in the South China Sea – this trend also 'risks leaving mainland Southeast Asia more reliant on cooperation with China and Russia, increasing the geopolitical divide within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations,' the report stated.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store