logo
Anne Salmond: What's wrong with the Regulatory Standards Bill

Anne Salmond: What's wrong with the Regulatory Standards Bill

Newsroom14-06-2025
Opinion: The Regulatory Standards Bill (RSB) is a dangerous piece of legislation, inspired by libertarian ideas that seek to free the flow of capital from democratic constraints.
In a number of respects, it expresses a contempt for collective rights and responsibilities, public goals and values, and liberal democracy.
First, it lacks a strong democratic mandate.
At the last election, Act was the only party to put forward such a proposal, and it won only 8.6 percent of the vote; 91.4 percent of voters did not support that party. This bill cannot remotely be taken to express 'the will of the people.'
Second, the majority party, National, agreed behind doors – despite its prior opposition for almost two decades – to support this proposal from a fringe party during coalition negotiations.
Like the Treaty Principles Bill, this undermines the principles of proportionality and accountability to the electorate on which the MMP electoral system is based. That, in turn, corrodes trust in democratic arrangements in New Zealand.
Third, the bill seeks to put in place a set of principles, largely inspired by libertarian ideals, that would serve as a benchmark against which most new and existing legislation must be tested.
These principles focus on individual rights and private property while ignoring collective rights and responsibilities and values such as minimising harm to human beings and the wider environment.
Fourth, this legislation is to be applied retrospectively, applying to all existing laws as well as most new laws and regulations. Rather than upholding sound law-making processes in New Zealand, it radically undermines them.
Fifth, the structures and processes this bill seeks to put in place are profoundly undemocratic.
It aims to establish a 'Regulatory Standards Board' selected by the Minister for Regulation, the Act leader, and accountable to him, with the legal right to initiate inquiries into all laws and regulations, past and present, that offend against Act's libertarian ideas.
This attempt to gain ideological oversight over the legislative and regulatory activities of all other ministers and government agencies constitutes a naked power grab. Such an arrangement is repugnant to democracy, and must not be allowed to proceed.
Sixth, as the minister's own officials and many others have pointed out, this bill is unnecessary.
Structures and processes to monitor and enhance the quality of laws and regulations already exist. These are accountable to Parliament, not to a particular minister, as is right and proper. They may be strengthened, as required, and must remain rigorously independent from any particular political party.
Seventh, there is little reason to trust the integrity of Act's professed intentions in relation to this bill.
Although it is claimed the Regulatory Standards Bill is designed to promote robust debate, rigorous scrutiny and sound democratic processes in law making in New Zealand, in practice, Act ignores these at will. The retrospective changes to pay equity legislation it promoted is a recent case in point.
Eighth, New Zealand already has too few checks and balances on executive power. The fact this bill, with its anti-democratic aspects and lack of an electoral mandate, is in front of a select committee demonstrates why constitutional reform to protect citizens from executive overreach is urgently needed.
Ninth, and perhaps worst, the practical effect of this bill attempts to tie the hands of the state in regulating private activities or initiatives that create public harm, by requiring those who benefit from laws or regulations to compensate others for the losses of profit that may arise.
As many experts have pointed out, under such an arrangement, taxpayers may be required to compensate tobacco companies for regulations that reduce their profits by seeking to minimise the negative health and economic impacts of smoking; mining, industrial forestry and other extractive industries for regulations that seek to minimise environmental harm and damage to communities; and many other activities in which capital seeks to profit at the expense of others.
The accumulation of wealth and power by the few at the expense of the many is precisely what is undermining other democracies around the world.
It is inimical to the very idea of democracy as government 'of the people, by the people, for the people,' in which governments are supposed to serve the interests of citizens, not of capital or corporations.
As social cohesion is undermined by radical inequality and an over-emphasis on private property and individual rights, the danger is that it tips over into anarchy; and by removing limits on the right to accumulate wealth and power at the expense of others, into oligarchy. We are seeing something like this in the United States at present.
Around the world, democracies that were once strong are collapsing. It is the responsibility of our Parliament to ensure that this does not happen here.
Act's attempt to paint this bill as an innocuous attempt to promote good law-making in the interests of citizens is disingenuous, and should be recognised as such.
Rather, this is a dangerous bill that attacks the fundamental rights of New Zealanders, and democratic principles. It must not be allowed to pass.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Jevon McSkimming resignation: Winners and losers as police top brass jockey for position
Jevon McSkimming resignation: Winners and losers as police top brass jockey for position

NZ Herald

time3 hours ago

  • NZ Herald

Jevon McSkimming resignation: Winners and losers as police top brass jockey for position

However, unlike de Wattignar who had previously been promoted internally, McSkimming and Kura were exempt from the restructure because they were statutory appointments made by the previous Labour government, and independent from the Commissioner. Restructures of the workforce are stressful, lower morale and create instability. Under normal circumstances, to then lose a pair of senior staff members - especially in the circumstances of McSkimming - so soon after a tumultuous time of change could be damaging for an organisation. But for Chambers, the departures of Kura and McSkimming solves a different problem. Whether they be chief executives of businesses, or heads of government departments, newly appointed leaders naturally want to surround themselves with people they can trust to deliver their vision. It's particularly important when there's a drastic change of vision, such as has taken place in the New Zealand Police since the National-led government appointed Chambers in November. Previous police commissioners certainly haven't hesitated to promote their favourites into positions of influence, even if that meant creating new roles that didn't exist. But Chambers' ability to refresh his leadership team has been somewhat hamstrung because of his decision to restructure the top hierarchy of Police National Headquarters, which resulted in a net loss of 19 roles (and an estimated annual saving of $2 million). There are now literally fewer jobs to fill, and those hoping for promotion under Chambers have realised they might have to bide their time for a bit longer. With McSkimming and Kura now leaving the New Zealand Police edition of musical chairs, there are now empty seats at the top table that need to be filled. Deputy Commissioner Tania Kura, left, has announced she will retire from the police this year. Jill Rogers, right, is highly rated by Police Commissioner Richard Chambers and is a leading candidate to replace Kura on a permanent basis. Photo / Mark Mitchell As previously reported by the Herald, Jill Rogers and Mike Pannett were the obvious candidates to replace McSkimming after his resignation. Both have been seen flanking Chambers at important meetings around Wellington this year, and each have acted in the deputy role on a temporary basis during McSkimming's absence. Rogers is currently relieving as deputy commissioner responsible for the northern police districts, while Pannett is the Assistant Commissioner in charge of national security and international partnerships. There had been rumours that, if Pannett was overlooked for the deputy job in favour of Rogers, he could be tempted to join former police commissioner Mike Bush in Melbourne. Bush has recently been appointed as the new Police Commissioner for the state of Victoria and there was speculation that Pannett, who recently spent three years on secondment to the Australian Federal Police, would be shoulder-tapped as a valuable ally. But with Kura's retirement now opening up a second vacancy, it's possible both Rogers and Pannett could be appointed as deputies to Chambers. There will be other contenders. Tusha Penny, Bruce O'Brien and Mike Johnson, all currently Assistant Commissioners, have all been mentioned in police circles as possible candidates to put themselves forward. It's also not unheard of for the officers in charge of the 12 police districts to make the jump straight into a deputy commissioner role. Superintendent Tim Anderson, the Bay of Plenty district commander, is respected by staff for his operational nous and support for the frontline, and also has a working relationship with Chambers dating back to when they were young detectives in Auckland. Superintendent Tim Anderson, left, at a press conference in October announcing a drug bust on the Mongrel Mob in Opotiki. Photo / Mike Scott Whoever puts themselves forward for consideration can expect the vetting process to be rigorous, given the revelations which led to McSkimming's resignation. The statutory role is important within the constitution framework of the police and carries a safeguard of independence from the Police Commissioner. If Chambers was to be incapacitated, for example, the senior deputy (which until recently would have been McSkimming) would assume office until a new commissioner was appointed. In announcing Kura's retirement last week, Police Minister Mark Mitchell said the Public Service Commission had started the recruitment process to replace her and McSkimming. A PSC spokesperson said the job description and timing for when the position is advertised are yet to be finalised, in consultation with Mitchell and the Prime Minister Chris Luxon. He said the average recruitment process takes four to six months. Once the PSC provides advice on the candidates - including whether nominees meet the 'fit and proper' criteria - Luxon recommends the preferred candidate to the Governor-General who officially makes the appointment. Jared Savage covers crime and justice issues, with a particular interest in organised crime. He joined the Herald in 2006 and has won a dozen journalism awards in that time, including twice being named Reporter of the Year. He is also the author of Gangland, Gangster's Paradise and Underworld.

Luxon to tell National faithful 'we're turning the corner'
Luxon to tell National faithful 'we're turning the corner'

RNZ News

time3 hours ago

  • RNZ News

Luxon to tell National faithful 'we're turning the corner'

National leader Christopher Luxon. Photo: RNZ / Nick Monro National Party members are gathering in Christchurch to cap off a week in which MPs attempted to steer public minds back towards the government's cost of living policies. Members will also farewell a party stalwart, with former president Peter Goodfellow retiring from National's board of directors. While leader Christopher Luxon will be speaking to the converted, he will be acutely aware the cost of living has become front of mind . Earlier this week, he was asked what his message to the party faithful would be. "Look, they know it's been a tough time, they know that we're turning the corner," Luxon said. "But really ... this country's got great potential and a great future ahead of it, and we've just got to keep working at it." National's deputy leader, Nicola Willis, said the conference would be focused on the steps the government was taking to make the country "an easier, better place to do business, to hire people, to create well paying jobs". "It is our job as a government not to moan about the things we can't control, but to focus on how we can make things better here in New Zealand, and we're very proud of the efforts we're making," she said. It is a stark contrast to this time last year, where Luxon's message ahead of the first conference since National returned to government was its focus on action and delivery . It shows just how much the cost of living crisis is lingering, and National has spent the week attempting to convince the public it has got it under control. With no announcement to make at this week's post-Cabinet press conference (bar the card surcharge ban, which had already been announced), Luxon and Willis gave a more than 10-minute address about the economy and cost of living, and actions the government had taken. "The most important thing we can do to make you better off is to double-down on our long-term economic plan," Luxon said. Willis used her speech to remind people of National's tax changes, FamilyBoost policy and a falling Official Cash Rate. It prompted Labour to accuse the government of "more spin than a front-load washing machine" . The latest Ipsos Issues Monitor has Labour in front of National as the party New Zealanders consider most able to handle the cost of living, despite releasing no substantive policy since the election. In 2023, National won 38.06 percent of the party vote, but since then has failed to poll above that. Recent polls have had National in the low thirties, with some showing the left bloc would have enough numbers to form a government. Other polls give the coalition the numbers to form a government, but only just. National party ministers will hold panels on health, education, law and order, agriculture, and the economy and cost of living. Members will also elect board positions. Long-serving board member and former party president Peter Goodfellow will be retiring from the board. Goodfellow was president from 2009 to 2022 before stepping down but remaining on the board. ANZCO Foods founder Sir Graeme Harrison, who joined the National board in 2021, has also decided to retire. Current board member Rachel Bird is up for re-election. Under National's constitution and rules, board members serve three years and then retire. They can then be eligible for re-election. Craig Carr, Andrew von Dadelszen and Edgar Wilson have also put their names forward for the vacancies. Party president Sylvia Wood and board members Jannita Pilisi, Stefan Sunde and David Ryan are not up for re-election, and so will remain on the board. Sign up for Ngā Pitopito Kōrero , a daily newsletter curated by our editors and delivered straight to your inbox every weekday.

Dunne's Weekly: Oppositions Seldom Win, But Governments Often Lose
Dunne's Weekly: Oppositions Seldom Win, But Governments Often Lose

Scoop

time19 hours ago

  • Scoop

Dunne's Weekly: Oppositions Seldom Win, But Governments Often Lose

That Oppositions do not win elections, but governments lose them is a well-established political maxim. Elections are essentially a judgement on the performance of the government of the day. Seldom does the capability of the Opposition to govern come into the calculation, if the government has lost public favour. Elections are therefore more about getting rid of an unpopular government than the risk of installing an often-unprepared Opposition in power. Moreover, voters often have short memories. A recent poll showed many people believe it is time for another group of parties to govern in New Zealand, despite it being less than two years since that same group was unceremoniously turfed out of office and does not yet seem to fully appreciate the reasons why. Indeed, although the Opposition has not yet released any specific policy, its general attitude seems to be that it will just pick up where it left off last time and resume the same sort of policy approach and style of government voters rejected so clearly at the last election. That is why Labour was able to get away last week with criticising the government's handling of the ongoing cost-of-living crisis without offering any alternative of its own, because, frankly, as the Opposition, its views do not matter. Next year's election will be more a referendum on the government's performance than a critique of the Opposition's alternative. This is not unique to New Zealand. Last year's Labour landslide victory in the British general election was more a repudiation of fourteen years of Conservative rule, than an endorsement of Labour. Now, having rejected the Conservatives so overwhelmingly, and to date being less than impressed with Labour's offering, it is hardly surprising that British voters are flocking in droves to the untried Reform Party. The New Zealand equivalent of that phenomenon has been the increase in support for minor parties, New Zealand First and the Greens in particular. So much so that the next election, and which parties form the next government, could come down to how well the minor parties perform, rather than the major parties they could be expected to align with in government. Given that context, it is not altogether surprising that there is mounting speculation the current government could be the country's first one-term government in 50 years. But, so far, the evidence for that happening is not strong. The National/ACT/ New Zealand bloc has led in most opinion polls since the end of 2021. Today, the latest rolling average of polls shows the coalition government ahead of its rivals by just under 4%, and still able to form a majority government. At the same point in the electoral cycle three years ago, the then Labour Government was trailing the then-Opposition National/ACT/ New Zealand bloc by just under 5%. Nevertheless, National's position is precarious. Its vulnerability, which this column has highlighted many times previously, is its increasing dependence on its coalition partners to get across the electoral line. Until recently, the Prime Minister has shrugged this point aside, saying it is just one of the realities of MMP. However, in recent weeks there has been a perceptible change in the government's tempo, with a slew of major policy announcements from National in a variety of areas, from a new infrastructure plan, a new funding model for general practices, an end to building open-plan classrooms, and even the controversial changes to electoral enrolment provisions, National has shown a new determination in seeking to dominate the political agenda on its terms. No longer does it seem happy to let its coalition partners control the policy agenda as they appear to have done throughout the government's term. With the election just over a year away National looks to have moved centre-stage in terms of the government's performance. It knows that to win the next election the coalition government needs to first lock-in the support of those who voted for it last time, before trying to drag in additional other voters from across the political divide. So, National's current moves are a deliberate attempt to claw back supporters who may have deserted it for ACT or New Zealand First, because they have seen them as more boldly defined. Without locking-in that core government support into National's column, National's position will become shakier and its prospects more uncertain. Things are not quite as challenging for Labour, however. Because it is in its first term in Opposition and because one-term governments are a rarity – only two (both Labour) in the last century – while there may be increasing hope, there is not yet any real expectation that it can win in 2026. That immediately relieves some of the pressure of expectation of returning to office so quickly. Similarly, because governments lose elections rather than Oppositions win them, the level of scrutiny on Labour's promises will always be less than that on the government's promises. That will change a little as the election nears, but for Labour, right now, the longer it can keep getting away with criticising the government and not offering any constructive alternative, the better. None of this means a Labour-bloc victory at the next election is unlikely or impossible. With polls showing increasing disapproval of the country's current direction, it must be acknowledged there is a greater chance of this occurring. And yet again, it will be a case of the government losing, rather than the Opposition winning.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store