
I'm a doctor and a recovering addict. America can't lose ground on the opioids fight now.
I'm a doctor and a recovering addict. America can't lose ground on the opioids fight now. There's talk of scaling back key programs and cutting funding that has proved to save lives. Doing so wouldn't just slow progress, it would send us backward.
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FDA Approves non-Opioid painkiller to combat addiction crisis
The U.S. Food and Drug Administration has approved Journavx, a new non-opioid painkiller for short-term pain in adults.
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Overdose deaths in the U.S. have decreased by almost 27% in the past year.
Medicaid and federal grants have played a crucial role in providing access to treatment and resources like naloxone.
Proposed budget cuts to these programs could reverse the progress made in combating the opioid crisis.
In 2004, I nearly lost everything to opioid addiction. I was a practicing physician, a husband and a father, and I was also deeply dependent on the same medications I once prescribed to others. My recovery was hard-earned and required structure, accountability and people who refused to give up on me. That experience is why I've dedicated my life to helping others do what I did: Survive long enough to get better.
And today, I can say something I never imagined possible two decades ago: We are finally making real, measurable progress in the fight against drug overdoses in America.
Recently, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention released data showing that overdose deaths in the United States have dropped by nearly 27% from 2023 to 2024. After years of heartbreaking headlines and rising death tolls, we're finally seeing a shift in the right direction. These aren't just abstract percentages, they represent real people. Parents tucking their kids in at night, employees returning to work, neighbors rebuilding relationships and young people getting second chances.
Opinion: We targeted drug cartels to stop fentanyl. Now, overdose deaths are dropping.
Cutting Medicaid will set us back in the opioid fight
This progress didn't happen by accident.
It happened because of deliberate, sustained action backed by bipartisan support and a strong federal commitment to addressing this crisis head-on.
Medicaid, the largest payer of substance use disorder treatment in the United States, has given millions of Americans access to lifesaving care. Federal grants have helped get naloxone into the hands of first responders. Community-based organizations are expanding access to treatment and recovery services in ways that simply weren't possible a decade ago.
As someone who's worked in both medicine and public policy, I've seen firsthand the impact of these investments. We've transformed what used to be a disconnected patchwork into a system that increasingly meets people where they are ‒ in emergency rooms, in jails, on the streets and in their homes.
But now, as Congress and the administration debate the next federal budget, I'm worried we're at risk of forgetting how we got here. There's talk of scaling back key programs and cutting funding that has proved to save lives. Doing so wouldn't just slow progress, it would send us backward.
Signs of opioid addiction: If your teenager was addicted to opioids, would you know? It's harder than you think. | Opinion
Fighting the opioid epidemic doesn't have to be partisan
That's particularly dangerous for states that are legally required to balance their budget every year.
If the federal government pulls back, that doesn't eliminate the need for services. It just forces states to make impossible decisions ‒ raise taxes, slash other essential services or cut overdose prevention programs that are working.
When that happens, it's not numbers on a spreadsheet that suffer. It's real people.
The good news is that this doesn't have to be a partisan fight. Republicans and Democrats alike have supported these programs because they deliver results. Because they keep families together. Because they reduce crime, lower health care costs and strengthen our workforce.
These aren't just moral investments, they're economic ones. Every dollar spent on treatment and prevention saves several more down the line in avoided emergency care, incarceration and lost productivity.
We know what works. The question now is whether we will have the courage to keep doing it.
I believe we will. I believe our leaders, including those in the Trump administration and this Congress, understand the stakes. But they need to hear from us. They need to know this progress is real, it's saving lives and it's worth protecting.
We've come too far to retreat now. Let's keep our foot on the gas and finish the job.
Dr. Stephen Loyd is the chief medical officer of Cedar Recovery, president of the Tennessee Board of Medical Examiners and a member of the Tennessee Opioid Abatement Council. He is a physician in long-term recovery.
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32 minutes ago
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While the bill wouldn't entirely return the U.S. health insurance market to its pre-Affordable Care Act state, it would take away options that helped bring down the uninsured rate, experts said. The House passed the legislation in late May by a single vote. The bill's chances in the Senate aren't clear; both fiscal hawks and centrist Republicans have expressed concerns. At face value, the work requirements shouldn't affect Montoya, because she has a disability and has caregiving responsibilities for her mother. But she also knows proving that could be a problem. Even without changes, Montoya said she sometimes struggles to prove her continuing eligibility because her condition causes "brain fog." "It's very stressful to navigate a system that is set up to catch you," she said. The health policy nonprofit KFF estimated between 120,000 and 190,000 people in Colorado could lose their insurance, mostly through falling off the Medicaid rolls, over the next 10 years because of the bill. 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The bill would require some people between 19 and 64 to work or complete other activities for at least 80 hours each month. States would also have the option to require applicants to show they met it in the months before applying for Medicaid. If the economy takes a downturn, people may not be able to consistently work 80 hours a month to keep their coverage, said Adam Fox, deputy director of the Colorado Consumer Health Initiative. Theoretically, they could fill in the gaps by volunteering when their hours fall short, but no one knows how the state will track and verify that, he said. Rachel Sanchez, of Greeley, said she can't hold down a job while going through her third bout with cancer. Medicaid paid for her care for ovarian and colon cancers, and for follow-up care that helped her recover from the physical damage that treatment inflicted. Now, it covers her medication for leukemia, which costs about $1,500 for a weekly dose. Sanchez's two sisters also relied on the program during their cancer care. (The three inherited a genetic mutation that increases their odds of multiple cancers.) Not having to worry about paying for treatment, and eventually for supportive care as they neared the end of their lives, reduced the family's stress during a terrible time, she said. Cancer patients "can't just get up every day and go to work, and then go to treatment, and then go back to work," she said. The bill would mandate that states go through the full process of verifying eligibility every six months for people who qualified for Medicaid under the expansion, which raised the threshold for adults to qualify for Medicaid to 138% of the poverty line, or $21,587 for one person. The process is complicated, said Diana Corona, a Denver resident. Once, she forgot to file some paperwork, and only discovered she and her husband had lost coverage when he got sick. "It's back and forth, back and forth" trying to provide the right information, she said. The intention behind the bill is to add friction to the system of getting and maintaining insurance through Medicaid and the individual marketplace, said Sara Collins, senior scholar at the Commonwealth Fund, which researches health policies. If it passes, people will lose coverage, either because they don't understand how to keep it, or in the case of the individual market, because insurance has become too expensive, she said. "The savings (projected with the bill) really come from people not being able to navigate the system," she said. Fox said he thinks the estimates of how many people will lose coverage are low, particularly for states like Colorado, where county human services offices have to handle Medicaid eligibility. Automated systems already check recipients' income eligibility monthly, so making them fill out paperwork and the counties process it twice a year instead of once just creates more opportunities for people to get lost in the shuffle, he said. Colorado can renew Medicaid coverage automatically for about three-quarters of people who qualify based on income by using existing databases, said Marivel Klueckman, eligibility division director at the Department of Health Care Policy and Financing. The rest have to fill out the full renewal packet. If they don't return the paperwork, they lose coverage even if they'd still qualify. The renewal packet typically runs about 16 pages, though not all parts apply to every household. It focuses on changes in income and who lives in the home. People who qualify for Medicaid because of a disability have to fill out a longer packet, verifying their health status and assets. If the bill passes, Colorado will have to assess how much the workload will increase for county offices that process the packets, Klueckman said. The state will also need to look for ways to verify how many hours people are working without requiring individuals to report it, she said. People who lose Medicaid in the future would face more hurdles in buying coverage on the individual marketplace. The bill would forbid states from allowing low-income people to enroll in the marketplace at any point during the year and would require potential customers to verify more information before they can receive tax credit subsidies, effectively ending automatic reenrollment. It also would shorten marketplace enrollment window to 45 days, from 76. Marketplace plans also will be more expensive in the coming years, assuming the bill becomes law, Fox said. It directly raises the maximum deductible and out-of-pocket limit that plans can set, and paradoxically, would raise the price of bronze and gold plans by lowering the cost of silver plans. (Subsidies rise or fall with the cost of silver plans.) Combined, the marketplace and Medicaid changes will return the insurance system to something close to its state when the Affordable Care Act passed in 2010, particularly if Congress also allows larger subsidies for the individual market to expire this year, Collins said. Then, Medicaid covered only adults with the lowest incomes, and the individual marketplace was prohibitively expensive, she said. "It's a way of repealing parts of the Affordable Care Act without really saying it," she said. _____ Copyright (C) 2025, Tribune Content Agency, LLC. Portions copyrighted by the respective providers.