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Japan, Turkey agree to begin discussions on defense exchanges

Japan, Turkey agree to begin discussions on defense exchanges

The Mainichia day ago
ANKARA (Kyodo) -- Japanese Defense Minister Gen Nakatani and his Turkish counterpart Yasar Guler agreed Tuesday to begin discussions on exchanges between the two nations' defense industries, Japan's government said.
At their meeting in the Turkish capital Ankara, Nakatani and Guler discussed the possibility of collaboration in defense equipment and technology as a "potential cooperative field," the Defense Ministry said.
They also confirmed their nations will widen defense cooperation while working together toward peace and stability in their respective regions, according to the ministry.
The talks came as Japan has been considering buying drones made in Turkey as part of its efforts to strengthen its surveillance and reconnaissance capabilities. Turkey has provided offensive drones to Ukraine during its war with Russia.
Nakatani, who already stopped in Djibouti during his three-nation trip from Sunday, became the first Japanese defense minister to visit Turkey. He is set to travel to Jordan on Thursday.
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The Quad's Role Amid China-US Tech Competition
The Quad's Role Amid China-US Tech Competition

The Diplomat

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  • The Diplomat

The Quad's Role Amid China-US Tech Competition

The global implications of the China-U.S. tech rivalry have raised the imperatives for Quad cooperation on AI and semiconductors. From left, Japanese Foreign Minister Iwaya Takeshi , Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar, Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong, and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio meet at the Department of State in Washington, D.C., July 1, 2025. In July 2025, the Quad Foreign Ministers' Meeting concluded with announcements on strengthening maritime and transnational security, economic security, cooperation on critical and emerging technologies, and humanitarian assistance across the Indo-Pacific region. A significant takeaway of the convening was the launch of the Quad Critical Minerals Initiative to strengthen cooperation on securing and diversifying critical mineral supply chains. The joint statement by the foreign ministers of Australia, India, Japan, and the United States underscored concerns over 'abrupt constriction and future reliability of key supply chains, specifically for critical minerals.' They raised concerns about dependence on 'any one country for processing and refining critical minerals and derivative goods production,' which may lead to 'economic coercion, price manipulation, and supply chain disruptions.' This development came amid global manufacturers raising alarms over China's April 2025 decision to mandate licenses for export of rare earth alloys, mixtures, and magnets. China's action followed its trade tensions with the U.S. – at the time, the Trump administration had mandated export licenses for a wider range of chips used in artificial intelligence (AI) applications and limited China's access to chip-designing software. Amid China's bilateral trade and tech tensions with the United States, its decision to restrict rare earth exports impacted global supply chains and manufacturing (unlike China's December 2024 export ban on gallium, germanium, and antimony for the U.S. alone). In addition, the move highlighted Beijing's willingness to leverage its dominance in production and refining of critical minerals. Such instances of the China-U.S. tech rivalry resulting in implications for the world have raised the imperatives for deeper tech cooperation among Quad members. The first Trump administration (2017-21) used export controls to limit the flow of tech components to China, barred the use of federal funds to purchase Chinese tech equipment, and indicted Chinese tech companies for espionage activities. While the Trump administration used these measures against China's 5G equipment, the U.S. under President Joe Biden expanded the scope to also include other technologies. Under its 'small yard and high fence' policy, the Biden administration (2021-2025) employed the Trump playbook and hailed export controls as 'a new strategic asset in the U.S. and allied toolkit.' As a result, the Biden administration surpassed the Trump administration's tally of Chinese companies added to the U.S. Commerce Department's 'Entity List.' Moreover, the Biden administration expanded the scope of restricted technologies to include semiconductors and also addressed Chinese 'overcapacity' in clean energy tech (including solar cells and batteries). The current Trump administration (2025-present) has followed through on the Biden administration's tariffs on Chinese semiconductors (starting January 2025) and the December 2024 Section 301 probe into Chinese semiconductors used in American consumer products. Moreover, with DeepSeek highlighting China's advances in the AI domain, the Trump administration built on Biden's 2022 and 2023 restrictions on export of AI-relevant chips to China. This included the April 2025 action on mandating export licenses for less-powerful variants of AI-relevant chips (which the Biden administration backed down from acting against) and the May 2025 restrictions on China's access to chip-designing software. The China-U.S. tech rivalry, now well into its ninth year, has had global implications. Recently, Malaysia began mandating permits for export of U.S.-origin AI-relevant chips to clamp down against transshipment of components to China. Similarly, Singapore has cracked down on individuals allegedly involved in routing of Nvidia's chips to China's DeepSeek. The Trump administration has also continued pursuing the Biden-era goal of seeking compliance from Japanese and Dutch companies on curbing China's access to semiconductor equipment. In addition, the Trump administration's decision to rescind the Biden-era 'AI Diffusion Rule' has led to a scramble from nations seeking AI-relevant chips. The Biden-era rule had defined limits on export of semiconductors for nations categorized into three tiers. The Trump administration's decision to not adopt this framework has led to a country-by-country approach, which was on display during Trump's visit to the Gulf in May 2025. While hosting Trump, Saudi Arabia and the UAE finalized one-on-one agreements on access to American AI-relevant chips and partnerships with U.S. tech companies on AI infrastructure. Ahead of the Quad Summit in India later this year, there is immense scope for further refining AI cooperation among Quad nations. This may include a deeper focus on AI through research partnerships, cross-pollination between incubators, exploring joint workforce development programs, etc. Beyond research partnerships and institutional linkages, these steps can overtime develop bridges between Australian, Indian, Japanese, and American tech ecosystems on the mobilization of talent. Given the recent developments on the China-U.S. tech rivalry, Quad nations may explore a 'Joint AI Readiness Assessment' to determine areas of relative strength and areas of cooperation. This can be along the lines of the bilateral assessment on semiconductors announced by the U.S. Semiconductor Industry Association (SIA) and India Electronics Semiconductor Association (IESA) under the India-U.S. initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET). Such an assessment may also draw from the Memorandum of Cooperation for the Semiconductor Supply Chains Contingency Network, which was finalized during the Quad Leaders' Summit in September 2024. Similarly, at the Quad Leaders' Summit in May 2023, the Quad nations finalized the Quad International Standards Cooperation Network and the Quad Principles on Critical and Emerging Technology Standards. This effort to synergize standards across the tech ecosystems of Australia, India, Japan, and the United States may now also consider a similar undertaking on operational matters. This may include sharing of best practices on regulatory compliance mapping, upkeep of databases on licensing records, investment screening mechanisms, etc. This can also be a focus area under the Track 1.5 dialogues on AI and Advanced Communications Technologies, which were announced by the Quad in 2024. 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How a Multi-Domain Command in Japan Would Reshape US Alliances in the Indo-Pacific
How a Multi-Domain Command in Japan Would Reshape US Alliances in the Indo-Pacific

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Simultaneously, there are indications that a key subordinate unit of the MDTF, the Multi-Domain Effects Battalion (MDEB), may be deployed in South Korea. This decision is not merely about troop redeployment; it signifies a profound shift in the geopolitical landscape, driven by the rising influence of China and Russia, evolving Indo-Pacific strategies, and a reconfiguration of trilateral security cooperation among the United States., South Korea, and Japan. For South Korea, the establishment of the MDTF is intricately linked to the redefinition of the role of U.S. forces stationed in the country, the strengthening of trilateral cooperation, and an increased imperative to counter China, thereby necessitating a strategic response. Understanding the MDTF Concept and Mission The MDTF is a novel military formation initiated by the U.S. Army in 2017, designed to counter the anti-access and area denial (A2/AD) strategies employed by China and Russia. These nations have developed capabilities such as long-range missiles, maritime denial systems, advanced air defense networks, and electronic warfare capabilities, which can potentially impede U.S. forces from reaching the battlefield. To overcome these challenges, the MDTF implements 'multi-domain integrated operations,' which encompass not only traditional land, sea, and air operations but also cyber, space, and electronic warfare. The structure of the MDTF includes long-range precision-strike missile battalions, artillery battalions, air defense battalions, and the MDEB. The MDEB plays a crucial role by utilizing reconnaissance satellites, space sensors, unmanned aerial vehicles, and over-the-horizon radar to detect enemy movements, integrating this information with signals intelligence and military intelligence. Additionally, it is tasked with disrupting enemy operations through non-kinetic means such as electronic jamming, cyberattacks, and psychological operations. The Significance of Establishing the MDTF Headquarters in Japan The U.S. plans to establish a total of five MDTFs, with three of them slated for deployment in the Indo-Pacific region. Currently, MDTFs exist in Washington State (1st MDTF) and Hawai'i (3rd MDTF), and there are plans for Japan to host one of two Multi-Domain Commands (MDC), overseeing the 4th MDTF. That would clearly shift the strategic focus of the Indo-Pacific strategy toward Japan. This is not a coincidence; since 2001, the United States has designated Japan as a key hub for power projection in the Indo-Pacific, while U.S. forces in South Korea have been relatively constrained to a defensive role focused on the Korean Peninsula. The establishment of the MDTF headquarters in Japan would institutionalize and concretize this strategic vision. With the MDTF in place, U.S. forces in Japan would evolve from a purely defensive posture to a central hub for deterrence against China and for intervention in regional conflicts. This shift inherently raises questions about the future of the South Korea-U.S. alliance. There are indications that South Korea may host the MDEB rather than the MDTF headquarters itself. This unit would serve as the 'eyes and ears' for the Japanese command, responsible for intelligence gathering and early warning functions in the Korean Peninsula and surrounding areas. This arrangement carries significant symbolic weight for South Korea. While Japan assumes the role of strategic command, South Korea may find itself relegated to a supportive role focused on information provision. Such a dynamic raises concerns about the relative strategic standing of South Korea within the South Korea-U.S. alliance, potentially undermining its influence in regional security matters. Strategic Implications for the South Korea-U.S. Alliance The establishment of the MDTF headquarters in Japan is poised to induce structural changes within the South Korea-U.S. alliance. First, the potential positioning of the MDTF in Japan could lead to a narrowing of the role of U.S. forces in South Korea, confining them to defensive operations on the Korean Peninsula and limited overseas support. This shift would effectively relocate the center of gravity of the South Korea-U.S. alliance towards Japan, potentially diminishing South Korea's strategic relevance. As a result, South Korea will need to recalibrate its position within the alliance. By linking with the MDTF, South Korea has the opportunity to maintain and enhance the strategic value of U.S. forces stationed in the country. A failure to do so could risk relegating South Korea to a secondary role within the trilateral cooperation framework, undermining its ability to influence regional security dynamics. Thus, the establishment of the MDTF in Japan would heighten the pressure on South Korea to participate in the alliance's strategy to counter China. The MDTF would significantly enhance the U.S. and Japanese capabilities to intervene in potential conflicts in the Taiwan Strait and the East China Sea, compelling South Korea to define its level of involvement in these strategic calculations. This could lead to increased military commitments and a reevaluation of South Korea's defense posture. The MDTF represents a new testing ground for trilateral security cooperation among the United States, South Korea, and Japan. Operations in cyber, space, and electronic warfare necessitate real-time information sharing and a high degree of trust among the three nations. This requirement could catalyze the institutionalization of cooperation among the three countries, potentially evolving into a de facto quasi-alliance. Conversely, China and Russia are likely to perceive these developments as new threats. China has already deployed over 300 military satellites and is accelerating the development of hypersonic weapons. Russia, through its actions in the Ukraine conflict, has demonstrated its long-range missile and electronic warfare capabilities. The establishment of the MDTF in Japan is likely to exacerbate strategic tensions with these nations, prompting them to enhance their military capabilities in response. South Korea's Strategic Response to the Changing Landscape of Alliances The planned establishment of the MDTF in Japan and the potential deployment of the MDEB in South Korea present both challenges and opportunities for South Korea. First, the South Korean government must reaffirm the strategic value of U.S. forces stationed in the country through high-level strategic dialogues with the United States. This includes clarifying the core missions of U.S. forces (deterring North Korea and initial response) and coordinating roles with the MDTF to ensure that South Korea's interests are adequately represented. Second, South Korea should actively participate in trilateral cooperation by institutionalizing joint cyber and space training exercises and information-sharing mechanisms, thereby demonstrating its role as a 'leading actor' in the alliance. This proactive approach would not only enhance South Korea's strategic value but also solidify its position within the trilateral framework. Third, South Korea must establish parameters for its participation in countering China, maintaining the principle of deterrence focused on the Korean Peninsula while proactively defining the scope and conditions under which it can contribute during crises related to China. This strategic clarity will be essential for navigating the complexities of regional security dynamics. Finally, South Korea should expand its contributions in emerging domains such as cyber, space, and electronic warfare, articulating the capabilities of its military to enhance its strategic value amid the evolving landscape of the South Korea-U.S. alliance. By doing so, South Korea can position itself as a critical player in the broader Indo-Pacific security architecture. The establishment of the MDTF headquarters in Japan marks a pivotal moment in reshaping the strategic landscape of the Indo-Pacific. The U.S. forces in Japan are set to become the focal point for regional power projection, while the role of U.S. forces in South Korea may become more limited. However, South Korea should not view this development solely as a diminishment of its standing within the alliance. Instead, it presents an opportunity to secure new areas of contribution and to expand the South Korea-U.S. alliance from a focus on Korean Peninsula defense to a broader commitment to stability in the Indo-Pacific region. Ultimately, it is crucial for South Korea to position itself not as a passive follower but as an active architect of the future of its alliances, shaping its role in a rapidly evolving geopolitical environment. By embracing this proactive stance, South Korea can enhance its strategic relevance and contribute meaningfully to the collective security of the Indo-Pacific region.

Japan Calls for Private Investments in Africa at TICAD 9

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Japan Calls for Private Investments in Africa at TICAD 9

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