
One politician could benefit most from the doctor's strike: Wes Streeting
That is the dilemma that resident (formerly known as 'junior') doctors face this week after talks between their trade union, the British Medical Association (BMA), and the Government broke down without agreement. Wes Streeting, the Health Secretary, gives the impression of someone who has had three Weetabix for breakfast, describing the doctors' insistence that strike action would go ahead from Friday as showing 'a complete disdain for patients and the wider recovery of the NHS'.
This is strong stuff, particularly from a Labour health secretary. In fact it's measurably more robust than the language that any Conservative health secretary could probably use, given Britain's political culture when it comes to the NHS. Tory ministers still seem to labour under the belief that they must continue to apologise for their party's decision to oppose the creation of the NHS nearly 80 years ago, just as Labour MPs who were born after the fall of the Berlin Wall seem keen to take personal credit for Nye Bevan's accomplishments.
Streeting has proved time and again that, regrettably uniquely among his ministerial colleagues, he is prepared to speak the truth even when – God forbid! – it offends someone. Angela Rayner may currently be in pole position to replace Keir Starmer should he decide he's not up to the job, and has reached that position by telling her fans exactly what they want to hear – more social housing, higher taxes, etc. Streeting however seems to understand that the true point of leadership is to say what your audience does not want to hear but needs to.
He proved that when he supported the use of independent (private) contractors to shorten NHS waiting lists and in his pragmatic and rational response to the Cass review. Now he's marching boldly into an arena where no Labour health secretary has had to tread since 1979 – the last time a health care union dropped tools in support of higher wages under a Labour government.
But he's taking a big risk. How can he be sure that the public will back him rather than the phalanx of angry, articulate medics in white coats standing in picket lines outside hospitals next weekend? The point about Streeting is that he can't be sure, but he will do what he thinks is right anyway.
The contrast with other ministers is refreshing and stark. Undoubtedly he is being lobbied daily by Labour backbenchers pleading with him to give way and offer residents yet another inflation-busting pay award to add to the one they got last year. 'Just say yes', after all, has been the central principle this Government has applied to virtually every pay demand since reaching office. And were the topic ever to be debated in the Commons, the whips would fear another populist revolt by rebellious MPs who mistakenly believe that they can escape the voters's judgment on their government by voting against it.
Who will the public blame when the inevitable deaths start to occur? When a doctor isn't there to care for a critically ill patient, and instead abandons their post in support of a pay demand – 29 per cent – the likes of which is not only unattainable to them but every other worker in the UK?
The BMA was previously a respected organisation with almost as much public prestige as the General Medical Council, the doctors's regulatory body. Now, thanks to its leadership's deliberate shift Leftwards, it is seen as just another trade union which, thanks in part to its new Left-wing chairman, Tom Dolphin, has taken issue with Dr Cass's four-year-long review into the medical care of young transgender people, questioning both her methodology and conclusions. And while the general public can usually be relied upon to support the 'heroes' of the NHS, claims for a 29 per cent pay increase cannot be taken seriously when most of the population is struggling on stagnant wages.
Streeting faces two challenges. The first is that Keir Starmer will pull the rug from under his feet and order him to settle with the doctors. This would be humiliating for Streeting and add to the impression of an administration without direction or leadership. Therefore it can't be ruled out.
The second is that the public blame him and not the doctors for the inevitable deaths and distress their industrial action will cause. This would be grotesquely unfair but can't be ruled out.
If the Health Secretary can navigate both these hurdles and see the doctors return to work, he could yet prove that he has the mettle of modern political leadership.
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