Regulatory Standards Bill Passes First Reading
Press Release – New Zealand Government
In a high-cost economy, regulation isnt neutral – its a tax on growth. This Government is committed to clearing the path of needless regulations by improving how laws are made, says Regulation Minister David Seymour.
Minister for Regulation
Regulation Minister David Seymour welcomes the passing of a Bill for transparent and principled lawmaking, with the Regulatory Standards Bill passing its first reading in Parliament today.
'New Zealand's low wages can be blamed on low productivity, and low productivity can be blamed on poor regulation. To raise productivity, we must allow people to spend more time on productive activities and less time on compliance,' says Mr Seymour.
The Regulatory Standards Bill:
• provides a benchmark for good legislation through a set of principles of responsible regulation
• enables transparent assessment of the consistency of proposed and existing legislation with the principles
• establishes a Regulatory Standards Board to independently consider the consistency of proposed and existing legislation, and
• strengthens regulatory quality by supporting the Ministry for Regulation in its regulatory oversight role.
'In a nutshell: If red tape is holding us back, because politicians find regulating politically rewarding, then we need to make regulating less rewarding for politicians with more sunlight on their activities. That is how the Regulatory Standards Bill will help New Zealand get its mojo back. It will finally ensure regulatory decisions are based on principles of good law-making and economic efficiency,' Mr Seymour says.
'Ultimately, this Bill will help the Government achieve its goal of improving New Zealand's productivity by ensuring that regulated parties are regulated by a system which is transparent, has a mechanism for recourse, and holds regulators accountable to the people.
'The law doesn't stop politicians or their officials making bad laws, but it makes it transparent that they're doing it. It makes it easier for voters to identify those responsible for making bad rules. Over time, it will improve the quality of rules we all have to live under by changing how politicians behave.
'In a high-cost economy, regulation isn't neutral – it's a tax on growth. This Government is committed to clearing the path of needless regulations by improving how laws are made.'
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NZ Herald
8 hours ago
- NZ Herald
Seymour on Māori funding: Need over race in Government policy shift
He went from being abused at Waitangi this year to the Bombay Hills to the opening of Tipene, St Stephen's School, a new charter school on the former site of the old St Stephen's College, which was closed in 2000. Untangling Government targeting can be confusing. Apparently funding for Māori-focused schools, be it charter or kura kaupapa, is fine. But funding for a Māori Health Authority, Te Aka Whai Ora, ended last year, and the authority was disestablished. Specific funding for Māori housing programmes was cut from Budget 2025, and funding for Māori trades training was cut. But funding for Māori wardens was increased, and continued for Whānau Ora. It is okay for Māori health providers to be contracted to increase immunisation rates for Māori babies. But when ACC tendered this year for expertise to reduce work injuries for Māori and Pacific people in the manufacturing sector, where they are over-represented, Act contacted the ACC Minister, and the Minister asked ACC to rethink. Ethnicity has been removed as one of five factors in what is called an equity adjustor for waiting lists in the health system, and a move by the last Government has been scrapped to screen Māori at a younger age for bowel cancer on the basis that they get it earlier. So when is targeting okay and not okay for Māori under Seymour's philosophical approach? Essentially, it's when all factors other than race have been ruled out. But he is defensive about the way Act has been criticised for it. 'In a lot of this debate, people assume we are opposed a group of people or a culture where in actual fact we are opposed to an arbitrary way it comes about.' When it comes to charter schools, Seymour says they present no discrimination, and that the fact that some are set up for Māori is neither an advantage or disadvantage. "There is a misconception that I and Act are opposed to anything Māori," says David Seymour. Photo / Mark Mitchell 'There is no discrimination in the policy. It says if you want to set up a school you must basically demonstrate three things: that you've got an idea, that you've got capacity to plausibly deliver on it and that you have community support. A wide range of people were doing it, including a kaupapa Māori school. 'The thing there is nothing in the policy that says you have advantage or disadvantage in being a Māori school.' The difference with the Māori Health Authority On the other hand, the Māori Health Authority had effectively said that New Zealand would have two health commissioning agencies because the most important thing about a person was their ethnicity.' 'With a charter school, by contrast, there's no putting different patients into different boxes,' said Seymour. 'People themselves can choose a school with a certain style. The difference is that charter schools are bottom-up. The Māori Health Authority was top-down.' Seymour cites the Cabinet Office Circular headed 'Needs-based service provision', which was issued to all in September last year as part of National's coalition agreements with Act and NZ First to set out its expectation that services should be delivered on the basis of need, not race. The salient parts state: 'The Government seeks to ensure that all New Zealanders, regardless of ethnicity or personal identity, have access to public services that are appropriate and effective for them, and that services are not arbitrarily allocated on the basis of ethnicity or any other aspect of identity. The circular draws on international law, the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, for temporary circumstances in which affirmative action is acceptable. It quotes the convention: 'Special measures taken for the sole purpose of securing adequate advancement of certain racial or ethnic groups or individuals requiring such protection as may be necessary in order to ensure such groups or individuals equal enjoyment or exercise of human rights and fundamental freedoms shall not be deemed racial discrimination, provided, however, that such measures do not, as a consequence, lead to the maintenance of separate rights for different racial groups and that they shall not be continued after the objectives for which they were taken have been achieved'. The circular is essentially Government policy and sets expectations for ministers, chief executives and officials involved in service design, commissioning, and delivery of government services. Voucher system in tertiary education Seymour does not have a problem with the variety in the education system but does have a problem with any affirmative action courses that have lower standards for Māori or other groups. 'Tertiary education now, at least, is essentially a voucher system,' he said. 'You go to any registered tertiary institution and the state will fund your places. 'Do I have a problem, for example, with Te Waananga? No. If people want to go to the University of Auckland, they should. If they want to go to the Waananga, they should. Will they get different treatment at each one? Probably, but that's a pluralistic society. 'That I don't have a problem with.' But he was completely opposed to lower standards of admission for Māori to say, medical school. 'That is different access to opportunity based on your race, versus presenting and delivering the opportunity in different ways in a marketplace place and the latter I completely support, and that's what charter schools are.' He said he recently chastised a supporter of his who had complained about a netball tournament in Whanganui where you had to speak Māori for the whole tournament, and you could be penalised for speaking English. 'And I just said, 'Why is this a problem?'' It was no different to a camp for French language students where you could speak only French at the camp and there would be no problem with that. 'We have no problem with multiculturalism. It's discrimination and preferential allocation of resources that we have a problem with.' Seymour said he did not have a problem with using Māori health providers to have better access to Māori patients with defined needs. 'If you can genuinely show that ethnicity is your variable and that is better than any other way in making sure that all patients get better service, then we support that. 'But what we don't support is a framework where the starting premise of the law is that we are divided into tangata whenua and tangata Tiriti, and that is the lens through which we must always look. That I think is wrong. 'There is a misconception that I and Act are somehow opposed to anything Māori. We are really not.' Changes to ACC targeting So why did Act object to ACC's tender to reduce work injuries in the manufacturing sector, with targets for Māori and Pacific workers who have disproportionately higher injuries? 'There are two very different things here,' said Seymour. 'Do we believe in devolution and competition, and choice in the delivery of social services and we absolutely do. 'But then there is the question of 'should you then group your patients and commission different levels of service, regardless of who the providers are, by their ethnic background?' ACC Minister Scott Simpson had initially believed he had followed the cabinet circular, said Seymour. 'But the cabinet is very clear. It says you can use ethnicity as a variable for directing resources but you need to be very sure there aren't other variables that you could have used first – because we have so much more data than just a person's ethnicity and we can do far more accurate targeting if we are prepared to use the richness of data we have in the IDI [Statistics NZ's Integrated Data Infrastructure] rather than just defaulting to race. 'We need to be a lot more nuanced and sophisticated in our use of data,' said Seymour. ACC has since changed its practices. New guidance for staff has been developed to support the application of the Cabinet Office Circular to ACC's commissioning practices, said Andy Milne, ACC deputy chief executive for strategy, engagement and prevention. 'This will ensure that we evidence the need for any targeted commissioning and demonstrate that we are following the guidelines set out in the Government's circular.' ACC data showed that Māori and Pacific people disproportionately experience high injury rates in the manufacturing sector, which is one of five high-risk priority areas for ACC. In 2024, 18% of work-related weekly compensation claims in manufacturing impacted Māori (Māori constitute 14% of the workforce), and 11% of work-related weekly compensation claims in manufacturing impacted Pacific people (10% of the workforce). The original tender sought a target outcome of 5461 claims to be saved by the end of the benefit realisation period (approximately 10 years from the delivery phase). At least 18% of the claims saved were to be from Māori, and 11% from Pacific people. After Act and the minister's intervention, the tender was reissued by ACC without the ethnic targets, and closed last week. Targeted services is 'good government' Nicola Willis took the paper on the circular to cabinet last year as Public Service Minister, and it also revoked the previous Government's affirmative action, the progressive procurement policy, which aimed to get Government agencies to award 8% of their contracts to Māori businesses. 'I am concerned that retaining targets for a specific group (or groups) of businesses based on ethnicity sends the wrong signal to agencies about awarding contracts first and foremost on public value,' Willis wrote. 'I consider this approach, regardless of how carefully it is implemented, leaves an impression of an uneven playing field and a perception (whether warranted or not) of potential discrimination.' The cabinet paper acknowledges the benefits of targeted services, not just to ethnically defined groups but disabled people, seniors, people living in rural area or those with diverse sexualities or gender identities. 'Services targeted or designed for specific population groups are an established feature of good government,' she wrote. But where targeted services were proposed, 'I expect these to be informed by clear evidence of a disparity, and evidence that culturally responsive or population-specific service models would be more effective. In other words, targeted services should coincide with a focus on need…' She said the proposals were consistent with the Crown's obligations under the Treaty of Waitangi. 'We are committed to achieving equitable outcomes for all New Zealanders, and I acknowledge this will often require services targeted or tailored to specific ethnic population groups, subject to the analytical rigour proposed in the circular to confirm such need.' 'I believe the need is overwhelming." Labour Social Development spokesman Willie Jackson. Photo / Mark Mitchell Former Māori Development Minister Willie Jackson was one of the first to condemn cuts to targeted programmes in this year's Budget, including the Māori Trade and Training. 'The Government should hang its head in shame after a budget that takes a knife to more Māori programmes,' he said on Budget day. He felt it keenly. For six years as a minister in the Labour-led Government, he worked with Finance Minister Grant Robertson to build up targeted funding for Māori to a total of about $1b a year by 2023. He also drove the now-ditched progressive procurement policy for Māori businesses to get a slice of the $50b annual procurement of Government agencies. In his view, targeted funding, particularly using Māori providers in health and social services, is the most effective way of getting to Māori in the most need. 'I believe the need is overwhelming and the facts show the need is overwhelming in terms of Māori,' he told the Herald. 'There is a big group and a growing group who just trust Māori processes, and their Māori health provider. And they are shell-shocked at the moment.' 'Our people trust our people' He believes the reason Seymour is averse to targeting on race is because it was his way of 'walking away from Treaty obligations.' So why did Labour decide to set up a Māori Health Authority? Was it a Treaty obligation or a measure for more targeted delivery? 'The inability to access health was a huge factor in terms of the Māori Health Authority. Always at the forefront was need, but of course the Treaty was there too,' said Jackson. 'But I believe we always operated from a position of need, and Māori absolutely fulfilled that criteria. That is why I pushed so hard over that time for targeted Māori funding. 'He can call it racist, but our people trust our people.' There were 'incredible gaps' in Māori statistics that needed to be addressed with ''for Māori, by Māori' strategies.' And he believes most New Zealanders supported it. 'They just want common sense. They want fairness. They don't want extreme in terms of the Māori stuff and where Māori funding is due. They don't want separate everything.' Jackson was not sure if Labour would go to next year's election promising to reinstate the Māori Health Authority, Te Aka Whai Ora. 'But we will bring back in absolutely Māori-targeted funding. We are committed to targeted funding,' he said. 'We have learnt some of the lessons of the past' 'The reality is Māori want more funding and more resources. I just want to get our people the necessary funding and resources. 'It doesn't have to be in any separate entities, and maybe it won't be if we get back in because we have to learn some of the lessons of the past.' But Robertson acknowledged that funding and resourcing for Māori had been minimal. That was why target funding under Labour rose so much. 'And that is no racist funding. That is funding based on need. 'But also, there is a Treaty obligation. We are a partner, and that's how governments should look at things,' said Jackson. 'It doesn't mean that there is a Māori takeover. It is just an acknowledgement that the biggest need in this country is Māori.' While Jackson believes that National is 'buckling' to David Seymour's view of targeting, it is clear that National's ministers are less vexed by it. 'It was a fiscal, not philosophical' Speaking about the Budget in May, Social Development Minister Louise Upston justified ending funding for Māori Trades and Training on the basis it had been time-limited funding and that was where she first looked for savings. 'The Māori Trades Training fund was established during Covid times and then extended in 2022 and due to expire 30 June 2025,' she said. 'For things that were due to end, there had to be a very, very strong reason why I would have to continue them and have to find savings elsewhere.' Budget 2025 had focused on employment, and the intervention that had been the most successful was case management 'so that is where we have focused the resources'. In the past year, it had funded $21 million for 52 providers for expenses incurred on programmes that supported Māori through Trades and Training. But Upston insisted it was a fiscal decision, not a philosophical one based on the Cabinet Office Circular approved by Cabinet. Louise Upston said the focus in this year's budget went on case management. Photo / Mark Mitchell 'Totally and absolutely. It had nothing to do with the name of it. I looked at all programmes that had a time limit.' She said she had felt no need to conduct any reviews of programmes in Social Development in the light of the circular. 'If you look at Social Development, it is pretty clear who is over-represented in job seeker numbers. It is young people, it is Māori, it is Pasifika, it is disabled and to a lesser degree, women. 'What I wanted to do is make sure we are funding initiatives that are effective, and we have data and evidence to prove they have the greatest impact at supporting people back into employment.' The He Poutama Rangatahi programme for young people not in education, employment or training (Neets) continued, with $33 million, down from $44 million, but that is targeted at all Neets. Housing Minister Chris Bishop, with Finance Minister Nicola Willis, says he wants a more granular housing system. Photo / Mark Mitchell Housing funding consolidated Housing Minister Chris Bishop said the targeted Māori housing fund, Whai Kainga Whai Oranga, administered by the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development and Te Puni Kokiri, had been consolidated into a single funding source with several other housing funds. 'The money hasn't disappeared. It has just been consolidated into a different fund, and one of the things that fund will be looking at is who they can partner with in order to deliver houses for people in need. 'The intention is for the Government to be much more deliberate and targeted about the housing solutions that are invested in around the country. 'That fund will end up investing in a range of different Māori housing solutions around the country.' He was confident it would be an effective fund for supporting iwi in post-settlement governance entities and Māori land trusts that wanted to do things in housing. 'What we are doing with the housing system is to move towards a much more granular system, more evidence-based, where we focus on the right house in the right place for the right people. 'The system at the moment is way too much one-system-fits-all.' He said he wanted the system to be more targeted to need. 'We know where the housing need is, but the system doesn't actually cater for that at the moment. We know where the regional needs are.' There was a role in working with Māori housing providers 'in the same way as there is a role for kura kaupapa, there is a role in working with Māori health providers, who did an excellent job during the Covid pandemic, for example.' Bishop's office later confirmed that $188 million in uncommitted Māori housing operating funding and $383 million capital funding were reprioritised. New housing priorities include: $200m for 400 affordable rentals to be delivered through Māori housing projects ($48m opex; $151m capex) $168m for 550 social housing places to be delivered in Auckland ($128m opex; $40m capex) $300m for 650-900 social and affordable rentals through the new Flexible fund ($41m opex; 250m capex) What's the answer to disadvantage? So, back to Seymour for the last word. What would Seymour's approach be to lifting Māori out of the state of disadvantage they find themselves in in so many social statistics? The answer is dynamism. 'First of all, it's not all Māori and not only Māori. I would say all people who are in a state of disadvantage will benefit from a more dynamic opportunity because when there is more dynamism, there is more opportunity. 'For example, if there are more homes being built, it is more likely a young person will end up owning one. 'If there are more companies being formed with more capital investment, it is more likely that someone who doesn't have a good job or opportunity right now will get one. 'If there is more innovation and more schools opening up that are engaging students in newer and better ways, it is more likely that a person who doesn't have a good opportunity to get an education will get one. 'In my view, it is dynamism. We are seeing this with whole countries. You look at South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan, Ireland, some of the more successful eastern European countries such as Estonia, they've gone, often in less than two generations, from a situation where essentially everyone is destitute and down on their luck and lacking opportunity…to dynamic opportunity. 'Suddenly, new companies are being built, new houses are being built, and people have recovered their self-esteem because they have taken on challenges and overcome their challenges. 'That's the only thing in my view that makes anyone feel good.'
1News
21 hours ago
- 1News
The one prominent billboard turning heads in the Beehive
In a move reminiscent of stations on Washington DC's metro system, a towering digital billboard opposite Parliament has become the latest battleground for lobbyists seeking to influence policymakers. However, what's being flogged in Wellington is more political messaging than military hardware from defence contractors. An increasing number of campaigning organisations are buying time on the Whitmore St site, including Federated Farmers, the Motor Trade Association, Rewiring Aotearoa, and even a retired doctor calling out both major parties on the rebuild of Dunedin Hospital. Several of those organisations also highlighted to media their deliberate purchase of space on the billboard. In a release, the MTA said, 'to make sure Government MPs see where they're passing and failing, MTA has taken out billboard space right under their eyes, across the road from the Beehive.' And Federated Farmers spokesperson Toby Williams said, 'it's a clear target at the politicians, and the bureaucrats who make the decisions.' ADVERTISEMENT 'We want them thinking on their lunch breaks and when they're walking through the halls of Parliament, look out at our billboard and just get a really clear message from farmers.' Q+A asked around Parliament whether the messages have been noticed. Minister Chris Bishop said he'd noticed it, saying 'we travel from Parliament down that street, so it's pretty hard not to notice. To be honest, it's clever.' Labour MP Kieran McAnulty said he'd also noticed the billboard and offered support for the Federated Farmers campaign. But neither of those MPs is the primary target for two of the campaigns – that honour goes to energy and climate change minister Simon Watts. Watts appears on the billboard photoshopped into a superhero costume, as part of the Rewiring Aotearoa "MegaWatts" campaign. The minister points out that he didn't pay for it to go up. But he did note the billboards are visible from the ninth floor of the Beehive, where the Prime Minister has his office. ADVERTISEMENT The billboard is in prime position, but when asked whether that meant it cost a premium, billboard owner Lumo declined to comment. The Campaign Company has placed ads on the billboard, and general manager Ani O'Brien said the location has been a key consideration. 'A couple of our campaigns recently have been placed on the Lumo site on Whitmore Street, and that is visible from ministerial offices, and so that has been a very conscious part of our strategy because the message has been one that they want politicians to see and understand,' said O'Brien. But does the billboard actually change the minds of politicians and their staff? Simon Watts was sceptical on that point. 'I don't get caught up in ads. I'm focused as minister on energy affordability and security, and I don't need an ad to remind me of that.' Q+A with Jack Tame is made with the support of New Zealand On Air
Scoop
2 days ago
- Scoop
Te Pāti Māori Co-Leader Debbie Ngarewa-Packer On The Longest Suspension In Parliament
She says the Privileges Committee process is not equipped to deal with the haka issue. Saturday Morning This week, Parliament took the unprecedented step of suspending both Te Pāti Māori leaders – Debbie Ngarewa-Packer and Rawiri Waititi – for 21 days. Te Pāti Māori MP Hana-Rawhiti Maipi-Clarke was suspended for seven days – but had also been punished with a 24-hour suspension on the day over a haka all three had performed in Parliament, against the Treaty Principles Bill, in November. It is against the rules of the House for members to leave their seats during a debate – which all three did. Ngarewa-Packer told Saturday Morning that the 21-day suspension, which was seven times harsher than any previous sanction an MP has faced, was not proportionate. 'I think the backlash from the public, nationally and internationally, validates that,' she said. Previously, the longest suspension for an MP had been three days, given to the former prime minister Robert Muldoon for criticising the speaker in the 1980s. While New Zealand First leader Winston Peters said the duration of the suspension would have been lessened if the Te Pāti Māori MPs had apologised, Ngarewa-Packer said that was never requested by the Privileges Committee. 'What we have here is a situation where, and some are calling it Trumpism, we've been a lot more specific – we have an Atlas agenda that has not only crept in, it's stormed in on the shores of Aotearoa and some may not understand what that means, but this is just the extension of the attack on the treaty, on the attack on Indigenous voices. 'We made the point the whole way through when we started to see that they weren't going to be able to meet us halfway on anything, even a quarter of the way, on any of the requests for tikanga experts, for legal experts when we knew the bias of the committee.' Ngarewa-Packer added that the Privileges Committee process was not equipped to deal with the issue. 'We hit a nerve and we can call it a colonial nerve, we can call it institutional nerve… 'I think that this will be looked back on at some stage and say how ridiculous we looked back in 2025.' Ngarewa-Packer also added that the language from Peters during the debate on Thursday was 'all very deliberate' – 'and that's what we're contending with in Aotearoa'. 'Everyone should have a view but don't use the might of legislation and the power to be able to assert your racism and assert your anti-Māori, anti-Treaty agenda.' Peters had taken aim at Waititi on Thursday as 'the one in the cowboy hat' and 'scribbles on his face' in reference to his mataora moko. He said countless haka have taken place in Parliament but only after first consulting the Speaker. 'They told the media they were going to do it, but they didn't tell the Speaker did they?' Peters added that Te Pāti Māori were 'a bunch of extremists' and that 'New Zealand has had enough of them'. 'They don't want democracy, they want anarchy,' he said. 'They don't want one country, they don't want one law, they don't want one people.'
