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TOM HARRIS: A sigh of relief for Anas - but don't be fooled by Farage's failure to win

TOM HARRIS: A sigh of relief for Anas - but don't be fooled by Farage's failure to win

Daily Mail​a day ago

It is easy to see why the SNP often underestimates its traditional opponents in the Scottish Labour Party. But after Thursday's spectacular result in the Hamilton by-election, John Swinney 's party would be well advised not to repeat this strategic blunder.
The smiles of Labour's victorious campaign team, including its new MSP, Davy Russell, were all too genuine, if tinged by an element of relief. Anas Sarwar's party, after all, had been written off in this contest, not least by the First Minister himself, who repeatedly warned voters that the by-election was a two-horse race between the SNP and Nigel Farage 's insurgent party, Reform UK. But if there was such a two-horse race between those two parties, it was for second and third place.
Labour's victory will inject some much-needed confidence into its campaign to unseat the SNP at Holyrood next May, an effort that was looking increasingly forlorn as Keir Starmer 's one-year-old Labour administration at Westminster became ever more unpopular. But there is again a spring in Mr Sarwar's step this weekend, just as an ominous dark cloud has appeared over the head of John Swinney.
The nationalists ought to have seen this coming. The late Christine McKelvie, whose sad, premature death caused the by-election in a seat she first won in 2011, was a popular figure in her party and in her Hamilton, Larkhall & Stonehouse constituency.
But world-weary strategists of any party know only too well that voters' sympathy for the loss of an MP or MSP, however sincerely felt, rarely translates into votes. The SNP's shameful record in government at Holyrood for the last 18 years played a much greater role in voters' judgment. And that does not bode well for Mr Swinney as polling day next May draws nearer.
Expect Scottish Labour to remind Scots at every opportunity, in the next year, of the ever-lengthening catalogue of SNP policy failures, from historically-high NHS waiting lists to dodgy ferry contracts, from the fall in Scotland's international reputation on education to its disgraceful record on drug deaths.
The result in Hamilton has boosted Scottish Labour's self-belief that it might actually draw the SNP's long hegemony finally to a close.
But as the two traditional political enemies warily circle each other, firing insults and defending their own records, Thursday's third placed party demands some attention of its own. Who could have predicted, even a year ago, that a brand new party that scraped barely seven per cent of Scots' votes at the general election would come within five per centage points and 1,500 votes of taking a seat in Labour's former working class heartland?
Aside from Labour's electoral resilience, the core message from Lanarkshire this week has been that there is, after all, an opportunity for a right-wing alternative to the SNP-Labour duopoly to attract the support of disillusioned and fed-up Scots.
That will be frustrating to the Scottish Conservatives and its new leader, Russell Findlay, who, despite consistently and effectively holding the SNP government to account week after week at Holyrood, failed to tun that into votes in Thursday's by-election.
Nigel Farage isn't exactly a new arrival on the political scene; most people hold strong views about him, one way or the other.
To say that he is a divisive figure is like saying Donald Trump might not be everyone's cup of tea.
But his party, Reform UK, looks likely to set the heather alight, even in left-wing, right-on Scotland.
That there has always been a large section of the electorate who didn't buy into the high-immigration, high-tax, progressive vision of Scotland has never quite been proved, partly because of the reluctance of such people to vote for the Conservatives.
Polling evidence suggested Scottish attitudes to immigration were little different from those in the rest of the UK, but that did little to dent Scotland's reputation as an exceptionalist haven of moderation and tolerance.
Now voters have been offered an electoral alternative to the Tories, and with it the chance to disrupt the cosy consensus that has prevailed north of the border since devolution was born.
Will they take it? The Scottish parliament elections will not be like a by-election, where the eventual winner can have little impact on how Scotland is governed.
Will Scots really place their trust in – and their crosses against – Reform candidates? What is fascinating about the Hamilton result – and for the SNP, chilling – is that while Reform came from nowhere, and where Labour's vote since 2021 dropped by just two per cent, the SNP saw its support slump by nearly 17 per cent, much of that, we must assume, going to Reform.
The establishment parties should avoid being lulled into a false sense of security by Reform's failure to win on Thursday.
There's a new player in town and if it's still around by next May, the consequences for both Labour and the SNP could prove devastating. And entertaining.

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Without a Badenoch/Farage pact, the Left will rule Scotland for decades to come
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Did Zia Yusuf's dramatic (and as it turns out, temporary) resignation on the day of the Hamilton by-election cost Reform the seat? Of course not. The idea that chaos in Reform puts off its voters is based on a misunderstanding of what motivates those voters. Reform exists because the older parties failed. You might argue that not all of that failure was their fault. Some of the issues that enrage the electorate – poor public services, high taxes, rising prices, dwindling social capital – are the products of a lockdown that 93 per cent of the country demanded. Others are products of our demographic decline: nations with elderly populations are bound to be less dynamic. Equally, though, there have been unforced errors and broken promises, above all on immigration. Reform is a howl of protest against those betrayals. It is an essentially negative vote, and I say that in no slighting spirit. Every party attracts negative votes. I used to get lots of them as a Conservative MEP when people wanted to punish Labour governments. Negative votes can take you, Trump-like, to the very top. I simply make the point that Reform's supporters show scant interest in their party's policies, let alone its personnel. Reform came from nowhere in the Hamilton by-election despite not having a leader in Scotland. It is hard to imagine the famously resilient electors of Lanarkshire determining their vote on the basis of an unelected party official resigning in London. If we want to play 'what if', the thing that might have given Reform the extra 1,471 votes it needed was the backing of the local Conservatives. Not every Tory would vote for Reform in the absence of a Conservative candidate, of course. Still, the electoral system used for Holyrood argues strongly for a deal at next year's Scottish Parliament election. Just as the SNP and the Scottish Greens used to maximise their representation by focusing respectively on the constituencies and the top-up list, so Reform and the Tories should do the same in 11 months' time. In Scotland, as in England and Wales, the parties have similar policies but different electorates. The Scottish Conservatives are strong in the Borders and the north-east, Reform in the more populous Central Belt. An understanding between them would leave both with more MSPs next May. Such a deal in Wales might have put Reform into office had the principality not just ditched that voting system and adopted EU-style proportional representation, but that's another story. How many Tory and Reform voters would co-operate? Although the two manifestos are compatible – lower taxes, strong defence, less wokery, secure borders, growth over greenery – tonal and aesthetic differences remain. Some Reform supporters will never vote Conservative, either because they can't forgive the tax rises and immigration failures of the last administration or, conversely, because they are former Labour voters who would never back the party of Margaret Thatcher. Some Conservatives – a smaller number – recoil from a party they see as a Trumpian personality cult. One way to express the difference is this. The Tories, after three and a half centuries, have a sense of the trade-offs and complexities involved in holding office. Reform is in the happy position of being able to claim that it is simply a question of willpower. Consider the issue of immigration. On Friday, Kemi Badenoch embarked on a major overhaul of the Blairite juridical state. She asked her shadow law officers to look at all treaties and domestic laws that hinder elected ministers from fulfilling their promises, and set five tests by which to measure success. Will we be able to deport people who should not be here, protect our veterans from 'lawfare', prioritise British citizens in housing and welfare, keep malefactors in prison, and get things built? Meeting all five tests is hard, but not impossible. Badenoch wants to take her time and get it right. But, to some, it will come across as equivocation. 'Why can't you just say now that you would leave the European Convention on Human Rights?', they ask. I have no doubt that that is where she will end up. But we need policies, not slogans. Leaving the ECHR is not a skeleton key that unlocks every door. Our problems go far deeper. Outside the ECHR, we would be constrained by numerous other international accords: the UN Refugee Convention; the Paris Agreement on climate change (under which our Australia Free Trade Agreement is being challenged in court); the Aarhus Convention, which caps costs for activist groups bringing eco-challenges. Even the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child has been used both to challenge deportation orders and to block welfare reforms. All these things need to be looked at, calmly and thoroughly. Nor is it just foreign treaties. The last Labour government passed a series of domestic statutes that constrained its successors: the Human Rights Act, the Climate Change Act, the Equality Act and a dozen more. We need to tackle these, too. What, if anything, should replace the ECHR? Do we update our own 1689 Bill of Rights? Do we offer a CANZUK version? Do we rely on pure majoritarianism? Even if all the obnoxious laws were swept away, what would we do about Left-wing activists who become judges rather than go to the bother of getting themselves elected to anything, and who legislate from the bench? Can we return to the pre-Blair arrangements where the lord chancellor is in charge? My point is that all this requires patience, detail and nuance. But a lot of voters are understandably impatient, and regard nuance as the sign of a havering milksop – a ­nuancy-boy, so to speak. They see not a Conservative Party determined to repair the broken state machine so that it can deliver on its manifesto, but a bunch of vacillating wets shying away from simple solutions. This worries me. Suppose that Nigel Farage were to form the next government and leave the ECHR, only to find that illegal immigrants continued to arrive, that judges continued to apply the rules asymmetrically, and that every one of his statutes ended up being snarled up in the courts? What would be the impact on our democracy? I pick the example of immigration because it is the most salient, but much the same applies across government. Reducing spending involves trade-offs, and anyone who pretends that there are huge savings to be made by scrapping DEI programmes or cutting waste has not looked at the figures. The same is true of reducing welfare claims, scrapping quangos, reforming the NHS and raising school standards. The diagnosis may be easy, but the treatment will be long and difficult, and will require more than willpower. In his response to Yusuf's resignation, Farage reminded us why he is a successful politician. He blamed Islamophobic trolls for making his party chairman's life impossible, thereby both anticipating the 'no one can work with Nigel' charge and reinforcing his non-racist credentials. The same calculation led him to condemn Tommy Robinson, and played a part in his falling-out with Rupert Lowe. Farage knows that there are hundreds of thousands of disenfranchised Muslims, many of whom, like his white supporters, are former Labour voters in decaying northern towns. Unnoticed by the national media, Farage has been reaching out to these communities. Imagine Farage's political nous and personal energy allied to the detailed policy work that the Tories are undertaking. Imagine his reach, whether in Hamilton or in some of those Muslim-dominated old industrial towns, complementing the traditional Conservative appeal to property-owners. 'Tis a consummation devoutly to be wished. Next year's Scottish elections will be the first test of whether figures on the British Right are prepared to put country before party. A possible by-election in Jacob Rees-Mogg's old seat may be another. But one thing is already clear. If the two parties are taking lumps out of each other all the way to the next general election, they will lose – and they will deserve to.

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Mr Sarwar and his party celebrated in the early hours of Friday morning after Labour's Davy Russell was elected as the new MSP for Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse, winning the seat from the SNP. With the votes showing a swing of more than 7% from the SNP to Labour, Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer said on Friday the result showed people have 'voted for change'. The by-election had been held following the death earlier this year of Scottish Government minister Christina McKelvie. When the votes were counted, Mr Russell polled 8,559, SNP candidate Katy Loudon took 7,957 votes, while Reform's Ross Lambie secured 7,088. And although Mr Russell was elected with fewer votes than Labour secured in the seat in the 2021 Scottish Parliament election, the SNP's support fell from just over 46% of all ballots then to 29.35% in the by-election. Reform UK deputy leader Richard Tice insisting they were 'delighted' with coming third – despite speculation prior to the count that they could come in second or may even pull off a surprise victory. Labour's win came after Scotland's First Minister John Swinney – who made numerous campaign visits to the area – had declared the contest to be a 'two-horse race' between the SNP and Nigel Farage's Reform. But speaking at a media event in Hamilton on Friday morning, Mr Sarwar accused the SNP leader of running a 'disgraceful' campaign. Mr Sarwar also insisted the by-election could 'help lead the way' to him becoming Scotland's next first minister in the May 2026 Holyrood elections. The Scottish Labour leader said he believed the victory to be 'even more significant' than the party's win in the nearby Rutherglen and Hamilton West by-election in October 2023 – which he said had been key in helping to secure Labour's general election win in July last year. Mr Sarwar declared: 'I think in some ways this by-election result is even more significant than the Rutherglen by-election result two years ago. 'It is right to say, I believe, the result in Rutherglen helped lead the way in helping to elect a UK Labour Government and I also believe the by-election result here will help lead the way to elect a Scottish Labour government next year.' Looking ahead to that election, Mr Sarwar told the PA news agency: 'I want us to gain scores of seats across the country so we can remove this SNP government from office.' He went on to accuse Mr Swinney of running a 'disgraceful campaign' in the by-election, saying that despite the SNP having been in power for 18 years, 'the best he had to offer was 'vote SNP to stop Farage''. And while Reform UK came in third in the by-election, Mr Sarwar said Mr Farage's party could not win the Scottish Parliament elections. He insisted: 'Nigel Farage is not standing to be first minister. 'It is a straight choice – it is either going to be John Swinney, or it's going to be me.' The Scottish Labour leader continued: 'The choice is stark next year. Our Parliament is not about protests, our election is not about protest, it is about choosing a government here in Scotland. 'The choice is stark – a third decade of the SNP with John Swinney as first minister or a new direction for Scotland with me as first minister.' However, Mr Tice told BBC Radio 4's that the result in Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse was 'truly remarkable'. He said: 'We've come from nowhere to being in a three-way marginal, and we're within 750 votes of winning that by-election and just a few hundred votes of defeating the SNP, so it's an incredible result.' Mr Swinney, meanwhile, said the SNP was 'clearly disappointed' with the result. The party leader said Labour had 'won by an absolute landslide' in Rutherglen and Hamilton West – noting the SNP 'came much closer' this time round. But he added: 'The people of Hamilton, Larkhall and Stonehouse have made clear that we still have work to do. 'Over the next few days, we will take time to consider the result fully.'

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TOM HARRIS: A sigh of relief for Anas - but don't be fooled by Farage's failure to win