logo
We're not behind the planned ‘Turun Sanusi' rally, says Kedah PH

We're not behind the planned ‘Turun Sanusi' rally, says Kedah PH

The 'Himpunan Rakyat Honggaq Kedah', scheduled for Aug 24, is aimed at calling for the resignation of Sanusi Nor as menteri besar.
PETALING JAYA : Kedah Pakatan Harapan has denied any involvement in organising the 'Himpunan Rakyat Honggaq Kedah' rally on Aug 24, aimed at calling for Sanusi Nor's resignation as menteri besar.
Kedah PH deputy chairman Asmirul Anuar Aris said the state chapter will not stop its members from taking part in the gathering, which is being organised by a coalition of NGOs supportive of the unity government.
'PH is not involved in the rally despite receiving an invitation. However, members and supporters of PH parties are free to attend as part of exercising democratic rights,' Asmirul, who also chairs Kedah Amanah, told FMT.
'I've been informed that the rally is being organised by NGOs who intend to present 10 demands to the state government.
'These reportedly include matters related to entrepreneurship, land taxes, agriculture, and sports.'
Promotional items for the rally have gone viral on TikTok, with claims that it is being organised by the Sekretariat Suara Anak Kedah, and widely shared by supporters of the unity government.
The rally is expected to take place in front of the Kedah menteri besar's office at Wisma Darul Aman.
Kedah police chief Adzli Abu Shah said the organisers have yet to submit any formal notification for the gathering.
He said he had only learned about the event through social media and is still waiting for official details from the organisers.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Anwar earns respect from China and US by mediating Cambodia-Thailand peace talks — Phar Kim Beng
Anwar earns respect from China and US by mediating Cambodia-Thailand peace talks — Phar Kim Beng

Malay Mail

time13 minutes ago

  • Malay Mail

Anwar earns respect from China and US by mediating Cambodia-Thailand peace talks — Phar Kim Beng

AUG 5 — Amid a shifting and uncertain global order, Malaysia's Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim has achieved what few regional leaders have managed: gaining the respect of both China and the United States while elevating Asean diplomacy from ceremonial declarations to substantive peacebuilding. In hosting the historic Cambodian-Thai military talks in Kuala Lumpur, Anwar has not only asserted Malaysia's credibility as Asean Chair, but also demonstrated that principled neutrality, when anchored in regional responsibility, can earn international trust. The ongoing negotiations at the Malaysian Ministry of Defence between the military leaderships of Cambodia and Thailand mark the first time that defence officials from both sides have come together under third-party auspices to address their tense border dispute. These talks are no mere photo opportunity. Overseen by Malaysian Army Chief General Mohammad Nizam Jaafar, they are deeply technical and intentionally discreet, focusing on contentious flashpoints and the mechanics of sustaining the ceasefire agreed just days earlier. With military attachés on standby to monitor implementation and a parallel Asean-led mechanism under development, Malaysia is doing more than hosting; it is actively shaping the architecture of regional security. By convening these talks ahead of Thursday's General Border Committee (GBC) meeting — comprised of 54 senior representatives including Defence Ministers and Army Chiefs — Malaysia has created the preconditions for concrete deliverables. That this process is happening without fanfare, and yet with full awareness and tacit support from Beijing and Washington, is no accident. Cambodia's Prime Minister Hun Manet, Malaysia's Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim and Thailand's acting Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai shake hands as they pose for photos following a press conference, on the day of mediation talks on the Thailand-Cambodia border conflict, in Putrajaya July 28, 2025. — Reuters pic Both great powers — China and the United States — have vested interests in a stable Asean . For China, the Thai-Cambodian border serves as a critical corridor into mainland Southeast Asia and Indochina. For the U.S., stability in this region reduces the risk of further militarization and offsets the spread of spoilers aligned with anti-democratic impulses. By playing the honest broker and avoiding overt alignment with either camp, Malaysia under Anwar has demonstrated that Asean need not be a pawn in great power politics — it can be a partner. Malaysia's role here is fundamentally Asean in spirit but global in consequence. This is the type of conflict resolution that aligns with the original intent of the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC): non-violence, peaceful dialogue, and regional solutions to regional problems. Yet too often, TAC principles have remained aspirational. Anwar's facilitation of these military-to-military talks has moved them squarely into the realm of action. What sets this initiative apart is its firm foundation in confidence-building measures, not coercive diplomacy. No guns are drawn, no ultimatums issued — just serious, high-level engagements that involve both civilian and military chains of command. That this is happening in Kuala Lumpur — not Bangkok, Phnom Penh, Beijing, or Washington — speaks volumes about Malaysia's growing strategic capital. The regional silence that greeted the initial outbreak of violence between Thailand and Cambodia only underscored the urgency for credible intervention. With over 300,000 displaced and military tensions simmering since late July, there was a real risk that Asean 's credibility could collapse under the weight of its own indecision. That collapse has now been averted, thanks to Malaysia's resolve and the maturity of the Anwar administration's foreign policy apparatus. This moment is not just a win for Malaysia — it is a defining test for Asean 's evolution. If the current talks result in verified ceasefire compliance and long-term deconfliction measures, it would mark a milestone in Asean 's ability to contain bilateral disputes before they metastasize into regional crises. The long-criticized 'Asean Way' is being refined in real time: quiet, deliberate, but no longer impotent. For Malaysia, this is also a return to its long-standing tradition of behind-the-scenes diplomacy — from the days of Tun Hussein Onn's neutrality to Tun Razak's outreach to China. But under Anwar, there is a sharpened edge: the willingness to assume responsibility, invite the aggrieved parties to the table, and assume verification roles typically eschewed by Asean states. This is not just diplomacy — it is leadership. And the world is watching. From Beijing's calibrated approval to Washington's quiet endorsement, Malaysia's credibility is being affirmed. In an era where most peace efforts collapse under the weight of mistrust or great power rivalry, Malaysia's achievement offers a rare and valuable alternative: that a mid-sized Muslim-majority state in Southeast Asia, led by a Prime Minister with intellectual depth and moral clarity, can broker peace without playing patron or pawn. Anwar Ibrahim has elevated not only Malaysia's stature but also the potential of Asean as a regional peacemaker. In so doing, he has redefined the standards of statecraft in Southeast Asia — with the endorsement, if not the applause, of the world's most powerful capitals. * Phar Kim Beng PhD is Professor of Asean Studies, International Islamic University of Malaysia and Director of Institute of Internationalisation and Asean Studies (IINTAS). ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.

RMK13 on watch: Execution, discipline, and delivery — Ahmad Faiz Yazid
RMK13 on watch: Execution, discipline, and delivery — Ahmad Faiz Yazid

Malay Mail

timean hour ago

  • Malay Mail

RMK13 on watch: Execution, discipline, and delivery — Ahmad Faiz Yazid

AUG 5 — The 13th Malaysia Plan (RMK13) outlines ambitious targets for 2026–2030: **4.5–5.5 per cent annual GDP growth and a fiscal deficit under 3 per cent by 2030**. It packages RM430 billion in five-year development expenditure (about RM86 billion per year) to drive these goals. Yet history reminds us that even large plans can stumble. RMK13's success will hinge on rigorous execution and fiscal discipline. We must not let it become another 'shelf document' of slogans and wish lists. Emphasising execution and fiscal discipline A recurring concern is that Malaysia's development blueprints often face a familiar hurdle: the implementation gaps. RMK13 itself warns that its effectiveness 'will depend more on how the money is spent' than the budget size. In other words, pouring cash into projects is not enough; we need strict controls to ensure timely, cost-effective delivery. This starts with reining in the ever-growing operating expenditure (OE) of the government. Under RMK13, operating costs (on wages, subsidies and debt servicing) are projected at a staggering RM1.81 trillion, much larger than the DE budget. If we fail to control these recurring expenses, even well-planned development spending cannot restore fiscal balance. In fact, interest payments alone now consume about 15 sen of every ringgit of revenue. Such non-productive debt servicing crowds out funds for schools, hospitals and infrastructure. Civil servants watch the live broadcast of the 13th Malaysia Plan (RMK13) presentation by Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim during a Bernama survey today. — Bernama pic In practical terms, each additional ringgit borrowed for debt repayment is a ringgit not available for growth initiatives. Over time, this undermines Malaysia's fiscal flexibility and risks crowding out investment. To keep the debt path sustainable, RMK13 must target a lower OE share of the budget. Any liberal subsidies or unchecked wage growth would dilute the gains from development projects. Hence, the plan's goals like halving the deficit mandate tough measures on spending. We should insist on annual budget reviews that explicitly map every expenditure line to the plan's targets, ensuring each ringgit advances a strategic outcome. History shows this is not a mere theory. Past auditor-general reports have exposed cost overruns and inefficiencies in state projects, with recent audits revealing irregularities in projects worth over RM48 billion. If RMK13 is to deliver its promise of productivity boosts and better living standards, it must include value-for-money checks on its biggest programs. For example, major infrastructure tenders and government-linked company ventures should be subject to rigorous audits and clear timelines. Transparent scorecards of progress (to be released each year) would keep implementation honest. In practice, this means linking the national budget to the plan's priorities so that voters and legislators can see exactly how policy commitments are funded. Beyond rhetoric: Linking plans to action Another risk is that RMK13 falls into the old ritual of planning without doing. In recent years, Malaysia's Five-Year Plans have become overloaded with frameworks and buzzwords, what critics call 'strategy soup'. Citizens outside the policy circles can barely recall the pillars of RMK12 or its '17 Big Shifts' under the Madani vision. This is not just an academic point: if people and even officials lose sight of the plan's core messages, implementation inevitably suffers. Therefore, RMK13 must break this cycle. It should be treated as a living contract with the nation, not a decorative launch event. The plan's authors (consisting of many government officials) and Cabinet must commit to institutional accountability. A first step would be to publish a frank 'report card' on RMK12, spelling out what policies worked, which fell short, and why. This would not only build trust but also guide better policy design. Going forward, every ministry budget (from 2026 onward) should be tagged against the plan's priorities, effectively making the budget a GPS to track the plan's journey. In other words, spending decisions cannot be made in a vacuum: each ringgit should contribute to specific plan targets (as if raising exports, cutting poverty, improving human capital). The plan's presentation itself should become simpler and more results-focused. Instead of drowning readers in dozens of sub-themes, it is recommended to focus on four or five outcomes that matter most to Malaysians, such as wage growth, affordable energy, efficient public services, digital skills and effective social safety nets. Clear KPIs (key performance indicators) for each outcome would then be set and publicised. For instance, goals like 'full employment by 2030' or 'average household income of RM12,000' should have intermediate milestones and timelines, not be vague ambitions. Other countries serve as proof of concept: South Korea runs a national dashboard tracking every agency's five-year targets, while Indonesia's planning agency links its development plan to real-time implementation updates. Malaysia can do the same. By reporting on progress quarterly or annually, perhaps via a user-friendly online portal, we turn the plan from a static document into an ongoing monitoring process. An empowered existing Economic Planning Unit under the Ministry of Economy or secretariat should be charged with keeping this data updated and public. Critically, citizen engagement must be built into RMK13. The plan should launch with an online platform where any Malaysian can check progress, download data, and even give feedback. Such a portal would help move away from opaque decision-making. If people can see which projects are on schedule and ask questions (or flag issues), political leaders will feel more accountable. Transparency breeds trust: a development plan becomes a genuine social contract with the rakyat, rather than an elite blueprint gathering dust. * Ahmad Faiz Yazid holds a Bachelor of Economics from Universiti Malaya and is currently a Graduate Executive Trainee at Permodalan Nasional Berhad (PNB). ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.

MyKad or full price: Targeted RON95 subsidy plans to be unveiled by end-Sept, says MoF
MyKad or full price: Targeted RON95 subsidy plans to be unveiled by end-Sept, says MoF

Malay Mail

timean hour ago

  • Malay Mail

MyKad or full price: Targeted RON95 subsidy plans to be unveiled by end-Sept, says MoF

KUALA LUMPUR, Aug 5 — The Ministry of Finance (MoF) said the detailed implementation plans for targeted subsidies for RON95 petrol will be announced by end-September 2025, in line with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim's statement on July 23, 2025. In a written parliamentary reply, MoF said the government is actively developing and testing the subsidy targeting mechanism to ensure smooth execution upon rollout. 'This includes refining data from agencies such as the National Registration Department, Road Transport Department (JPJ), and the Department of Statistics Malaysia (DoSM),' it said. 'The government aims to adopt a more comprehensive approach to ensure RON95 subsidies reach the intended target groups.' MoF was responding to a question from Hulu Langat Member of Parliament, Pakatan Harapan's Mohd Sany Hamzan, who asked for an update on the subsidy retargeting implementation, particularly the front-end and back-end phases announced by the Ministry of Economy. According to MoF, once implemented, the retargeted subsidy mechanism will allow eligible Malaysians to enjoy RON95 at RM1.99 per litre through MyKad verification. Non-citizens and those ineligible for the subsidy will pay the unsubsidised market rate. — Bernama

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store