Immigration Agents Laugh at U.S. Citizen as He Records His Own Arrest
What began as a simple traffic stop for Kenny Laynez-Ambrosio, an 18-year-old Floridian, in May turned into a traumatizing arrest when U.S. Customs and Border Protection arrived at the scene.
Alongside his mother and two undocumented male companions, Laynez-Ambrosio was laughed at, ridiculed, and violently detained by a group of officers, according to video footage secretly captured by the teenager, first reported on by The Guardian.
'Wait, hold up,' Laynez-Ambrosio said when agents opened the door of their company work van. 'You guys have no rights to do that.''We don't have rights to do that?' one agent said, laughing.
The video footage, panning upward, then shows the border patrol agents restraining one individual in a chokehold. All three men were forced out of their vehicle and onto the ground. As another companion is manhandled by three officers in tactical gear, the sound of a stun gun is heard going off, sending the man crashing onto the floor as he cries and shakes in agony.
'You can't be doing that,' Laynez-Ambrosio said.
'Get on the ground,' an officer screams at him.
'I'm not going to get up, I'm going to just stay like this,' Laynez-Ambrosio responds. 'Y'all scaring the dude.... I've got rights to talk.'
'You've got no rights here. You're a migo, brother,' an agent told Laynez-Ambrosio.
'I do,' Laynez-Ambrosio insisted. 'I was born and raised here.'
In the aftermath of the violence, the ICE agents can be heard laughing and making light of the pain they inflicted on their arrestees, referring to the taser use as 'funny,' and insulting its target as a 'dick.'
'You can smell that … $30,000 bonus,' said another officer.
Later, the officers can be heard claiming that more individuals have started to resist their arrests, anticipating even more extreme uses of force in future.
'We're going to end up shooting some of them,' an agent said, referencing Laynez-Ambrosio's attempts to assert his rights. 'This kid goes like. . . 'no, you can't do that,' I'm not doing shit. We told you already to get out, you either get out or I'm going to pull you out.'
Federal authorities have been tasked by White House deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller to arrest 3,000 undocumented immigrants per day—but actually doing so has forced the agency to seek out immigrants that the administration did not advertise targeting, such as noncriminals and even lawful residents possessing visas or green cards. So far this year, ICE agents have been caught interrogating children, deporting U.S. citizens, and stuffing uncharged prisoners into America's very own concentration camp.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
CNN
18 minutes ago
- CNN
ICE uses starkly different tactics to arrest immigrants in red and blue states, data shows
The Trump administration is apprehending hundreds of immigrants every day across the country – but there's a stark split in where Immigration and Customs Enforcement makes those arrests in blue states and red states. In states that voted for President Donald Trump, ICE agents are far more likely to arrest immigrants directly from prisons and jails, a CNN analysis of data from the agency found. In Democratic-leaning states, by contrast, ICE is frequently arresting immigrants from worksites, streets and mass roundups that have sparked protests and intense backlash in cities such as Los Angeles. Most of those arrested don't have any criminal record. The ICE data shows that overall, more immigrants are being arrested in red states than blue states – both in the community and, especially, in prisons and jails. But there is a clear divide in where ICE is apprehending people: 59% of arrests in red states took place in prisons and jails, while 70% of arrests in blue states took place in the community. That partisan gap between red and blue states existed before Trump's second term began – but it has widened since last year. Trump officials say the differing tactics are simply a downstream effect of sanctuary policies in many Democratic-controlled states and large cities, which can limit prisons and jails from cooperating with ICE. In many of those states, local authorities can't hold immigrants in custody based on ICE orders alone – so they're often released before immigration officials can arrest them. 'Sanctuary cities are going to get exactly what they don't want, more agents in the communities and more worksite enforcement,' Trump border czar Tom Homan told reporters last month. 'Why is that? Because they won't let one agent arrest one bad guy in a jail.' Fliers showing those arrested by ICE agents are displayed outside immigration court in Manhattan on July 24. A migrant is detained and escorted by federal immigration officers at immigration court in Manhattan on July 17. But advocates for immigrant rights say the community arrests – from raids at factories and restaurants to surprise detentions at ICE check-ins – are punitive measures aimed at instilling fear in blue states and cities. The aggressive tactics reflect 'a deliberate federal strategy to punish Massachusetts and other immigrant-friendly states for standing up against Trump's reckless deportation machine,' argued Iván Espinoza-Madrigal, the executive director of Lawyers for Civil Rights, a Boston-based nonprofit that represents immigrants in court. An ICE spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment on CNN's analysis. The divide is especially dramatic in Massachusetts, where 94% of immigrants arrested by ICE were apprehended in the community, and 78% of them had no criminal record. The state has a court decision and local policies that limit law enforcement from cooperating with ICE. The agency's regional office was also led until March by Todd Lyons, who is now the acting ICE director, and who has described the focus on community arrests in Massachusetts, his home state, as a direct response to sanctuary policies. 'If sanctuary cities would change their policies and turn these violent criminal aliens over to us, into our custody, instead of releasing them into the public, we would not have to go out to the communities and do this,' Lyons said at a press conference in June. Regardless of the cause, the varying local laws and ICE tactics are creating a 'patchwork system' across the country, said Kathleen Bush-Joseph, a lawyer and policy analyst with the Migration Policy Institute. Immigrants are facing 'really divergent outcomes based on where people live,' she said. Different playbooks for arrests CNN's analysis is based on ICE records obtained through a Freedom of Information Act request by the Deportation Data Project, a research group associated with the UC Berkeley law school. The analysis covers the period since Trump took office through late June. In its annual reports, ICE defines arrests in two categories: those that happen in prisons and jails, and 'at-large' arrests in the community. In prisons and jails, ICE typically sends a detainer request to corrections officials for undocumented inmates, and then agents come to the facilities to arrest them before they leave custody. Community arrests, by contrast, include everything from workplace raids to teams trailing and apprehending immigrants. A woman waves an American-Mexican flag in a protest of immigration raids near Camarillo, California, on July 10. In 2024, under President Joe Biden – whose administration said it was prioritizing arresting and deporting undocumented immigrants with criminal records – about 62% of ICE arrests were from prisons and jails, while 27% were in the community, the data shows. So far in Trump's term, arrests overall are up, and the balance has changed: 49% have been in prisons and jails, and 44% in the community. But those percentages diverge widely between the 31 states won by Donald Trump and the 19 states won by Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris, which have similar total undocumented populations, according to 2023 estimates from the Center for Migration Studies, a nonprofit. In the Trump-voting states, ICE is not only more likely to arrest immigrants already in custody, but they're also more likely to have a record: 41% of those arrested in red states had a prior criminal conviction, compared to 36% of immigrants arrested by ICE in Harris states. Most prior convictions are for lower-level crimes like traffic offenses, immigration violations and other non-violent charges, a CNN analysis of internal ICE data found earlier this summer. In part, that disparity comes from how states and cities without sanctuary policies respond to ICE detainer requests. In most red states, those detainers are honored, allowing ICE to pick up thousands of undocumented immigrants directly from jail or prison. But in many blue states and cities, sanctuary policies direct officials to refuse ICE detainer requests without a court warrant. Some states go further in limiting local police's collaboration with ICE: Boston prevents officers from even asking about immigration status, for example. Federal agents stand guard as immigration officers carry out an operation at an agricultural facility in Camarillo, California, on July 10. The ICE data suggests that some sanctuary policies are blocking the agency from arresting immigrants – to a point. In Mississippi, for example, which has banned the establishment of sanctuary policies in the state, 87% of immigrants ICE filed a detainer request for through the end of May were later arrested by the agency in prisons and jails. In New York, which has state and local policies limiting cooperation with ICE, only 4% of the immigrants that ICE had requested detainers for were arrested in prisons and jails. So in blue states, the Trump administration has instead relied more on a different policy: immigration raids and community arrests. In Los Angeles, where those raids sparked unrest earlier this summer, Trump deployed the National Guard. The administration later sued the city for its sanctuary policies, saying the city was contributing to a 'lawless and unsafe environment.' Many activists, though, say the nature of those blue-state raids – and especially ICE's efforts to promote and publicize them – show they serve a broader purpose beyond just evading sanctuary policies. Those aggressive tactics are 'shocking and they're such a departure from the norm,' Bush-Joseph said. 'But their intent might be more so about deterrence and trying to dissuade people from coming to the US-Mexico border, as well as trying to get people to self-deport.' Overall, ICE's arrest and detention machine may just be ramping up. The recent budget reconciliation bill signed by Trump includes billions in new funding for the agency. And a growing number of local and state law enforcement agencies – largely in red states – are signing up for an ICE program that allows them to help enforce immigration laws. Massachusetts neighborhoods seeing impact of ICE arrests ICE's embrace of public arrests is particularly pronounced in Massachusetts. While Massachusetts doesn't have a formal sanctuary law at the state level, a 2017 state supreme court ruling bans law enforcement from holding anyone beyond the time they would otherwise be released on the basis of an ICE detainer request. Boston and several other cities also have policies that go further, preventing law enforcement from coordinating with ICE more broadly. Lyons, the acting ICE director, led the Boston ICE office – which is responsible for arrests in Massachusetts and five other New England states – before being elevated to his current role. In interviews and statements, he's decried sanctuary policies in the state. 'Boston's my hometown and it really shocks me that officials all over Massachusetts would rather release sex offenders, fentanyl dealers, drug dealers, human traffickers, and child rapists back into the neighborhoods,' he told reporters this summer – without addressing the fact that a large majority of immigrants arrested in the state this year had no criminal convictions. Hundreds of people gather in Boston on June 10 to defend immigrants and protest the actions of ICE. Photos of detained immigrants are shown at an ICE news conference on June 2. In May, ICE carried out what officials described as the largest enforcement operation in the agency's history, arresting more than 1,400 people in communities across Massachusetts. Around New England, other high-profile cases have included ICE officers detaining a Tufts PhD student who co-wrote a student newspaper op-ed critical of Israel and smashing the window of an immigrant's car and yanking him out of the passenger seat in front of his wife. ICE's aggressive tactics in the region have been defined by 'a general level of mean-spiritedness and brutality,' said Daniel Kanstroom, a Boston College law professor who founded the college's immigration and asylum law clinic. 'We've never seen masked agents before. We've never seen students arrested for writing op-eds before. We've never seen people dragged out of immigration court before.' Stepped-up community arrests are having a marked impact on immigrant-heavy neighborhoods in the Boston area, local advocates say. In suburbs like Chelsea and Everett, which have large Salvadoran and Central American communities, some immigrants are staying home out of fear of ICE raids. 'We're seeing people not going to their doctor's appointments, kids not going to school, folks not going grocery shopping,' said Sarang Sekhavat, the chief of staff at the Massachusetts Immigrant & Refugee Advocacy Coalition. 'You're seeing a lot of businesses in some of these neighborhoods really suffering because people just don't want to leave home… bustling, active neighborhoods that have become very quiet now.' ICE's dragnet has picked up people like Geovani Esau De La Cruz Catalan, who was arrested by immigration agents on the street outside his Chelsea home in June – just days after he crossed the stage at his high school graduation. Geovani Esau De La Cruz Catalan. The 20-year-old, who has no criminal history, came to the US from Guatemala in 2022. He told CNN his hopes to build a new life in America were dashed when he was detained. 'I thought they were going to take away all the dreams I had,' De La Cruz said in Spanish. 'I was in shock.' De La Cruz spent two weeks in ICE custody before being released with a future immigration court date. His stepmother, Mayra Balderas, said he has a work permit, but it's unclear whether he'll be allowed to stay or deported back to Guatemala. Balderas, an American citizen who immigrated to the US more than three decades ago, said ICE agents were frequently patrolling her Chelsea neighborhood, something she'd never seen before Trump took office. 'Since I've been here, I never have any experience like that – going into the neighborhoods and pulling people and doing what they're doing,' Balderas said. 'They are scaring people.' Methodology CNN analyzed data on ICE arrests and detainers published by the Data Deportation Project, a research group associated with UC Berkeley law school. The data includes administrative arrests, in which immigrants arrested face deportation, not criminal arrests for human trafficking or similar crimes. For data that was missing information about the state where an immigrant was arrested, when possible, CNN inferred the state based on which ICE field office conducted the arrest, using areas of responsibility described on the ICE website. A state could not be identified for about 11% of arrests, and those are not included in state-by-state totals. Based on information in ICE annual reports and interviews with policy experts, CNN defined arrests in jails and prisons as those with an apprehension method described in the data as 'CAP Local Incarceration,' 'CAP State Incarceration,' or 'CAP Federal Incarceration' (referring to ICE's Criminal Alien Program) and arrests in the community as those listed as 'Non-Custodial Arrest,' 'Located,' 'Worksite Enforcement,' 'Traffic Check,' or 'Probation and Parole.' About 7% of arrests were listed as 'Other Efforts' or didn't fit clearly into either category.
Yahoo
30 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Pittsburgh man sentenced in drug ring that stretched into Beaver County
Pennsylvania Attorney General Dave Sunday has announced the ringleader of a Pittsburgh-based drug-trafficking organization has been sentenced to 9 to 18 years in prison for distributing controlled substances in Beaver and Allegheny counties. Dennis Alexander, 29, previously pleaded guilty to four counts of possession with intent to deliver, one count of person not to possess a firearm, and receiving stolen property. Alexander was living in Pittsburgh while selling heroin, fentanyl, cocaine, oxycodone, methamphetamine, and marijuana in multiple counties, according to a release from Sunday's office. When agents executed a search warrant, they found drugs and a firearm, which Alexander was prohibited from having. 'The defendant pushed a variety of poisons into western Pennsylvania, valuing financial profits over the harm he caused to people and communities,' Sunday said. 'He has had multiple opportunities to reform his criminal behavior, and this sentence reflects the danger his actions bring to our communities.' The charges resulted from a lengthy investigation by the Office of Attorney General Bureau of Narcotics Investigations, which was assisted by the Beaver County Task Force, New Brighton Police Department, and City of Pittsburgh Police Department. Alexander, or one of his associates, sold controlled substances to a confidential informant or an undercover officer on a dozen occasions, authorities said. Alexander has two prior felony drug convictions in Pennsylvania, dating back to July 2016 and February 2017 Senior Deputy Attorney General Kara Cotter prosecuted the case. This article originally appeared on Beaver County Times: Man sentenced in drug ring that stretched into Beaver County Solve the daily Crossword
Yahoo
30 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Corrective to Aug. 3 story about Hilary Weston's death
In a story that moved on Aug. 3 about the death of fashion mogul and former Ontario lieutenant-governor Hilary Weston, The Canadian Press erroneously reported that Weston was the second woman to be given the Order of Canada. In fact, she was the second woman to be Ontario's lieutenant-governor. The Canadian Press
