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Is This The End Of Nelson's Richard Nixon Statue?

Is This The End Of Nelson's Richard Nixon Statue?

Scoop26-06-2025
A small Tasman town faces an important question: keep the infamous statue of Richard Nixon or build a community hub instead?
The life-size bronze statue of the disgraced US president has bemused residents of Wakefield, about 20km south of Nelson, for more than a decade.
The statue, holding Nixon's double peace sign pose, stands on the notorious 52 Edward Street site known as Fort Haldeman - reportedly the former office of the locally defunct publishing company Haldeman LLC, that had been partly owned by controversial businessman Tony Katavich.
According to a list on Wikipedia, the statue is only one of two Nixon statues in the world.
But Nixon's days, as well as those of the White House-inspired building he welcomes visitors to, could be numbered.
Tasman District Council is currently progressing plans for a new community hub for Wakefield to replace the ageing and earthquake-prone village hall.
The hub had earlier been assumed to be built on the Wakefield Recreation Reserve, but the current owners of Fort Haldeman approached the council in early 2025 about the possibility of building the hub on their site instead.
Peter Verstappen, a Waimea South Community Facility trustee, said the opportunity "came out left of field a little bit".
"Until six months ago, this wasn't even a question. We were always heading to the reserve," he said.
"In a way, it kind of complicated the process going forward, because suddenly we've got this other whole dimension that we now have to think about."
The council is now consulting the community on its preference between the two locations.
There are pros and cons to each site, with the reserve offering more space for future expansion but higher costs for infrastructure and utilities, while the Fort Haldeman site is closer to the centre of the village but has fewer future expansion opportunities.
Verstappen said, "in all honesty", he doesn't have a site preference.
"From what I've seen, I'm reasonably confident we can build the facility that we want, that answers most of the needs of the community, on either site."
The council and trust held two community meetings last Tuesday for residents to learn more about the two options.
Martin Brown, the council's project manager for the hub, told around 20 attendees of the afternoon session at Wakefield School that it was "very early days" for the Fort Haldeman site.
"We're having conversations with the vendors currently. It may or may not progress, but that's part of the process we're having."
A representative for the company that now owns Fort Haldeman declined to comment due to commercial sensitivities.
The final decision on the location rests with the council and is expected to be made in August, with detailed design work and community fundraising to occur afterwards.
Elected members will be presented with site information as well as community feedback ahead of their decision.
While the full range of feedback might differ, comments from attendees of the Tuesday afternoon meeting indicated widespread support for the original Wakefield Recreation Reserve site due to its development potential, possibly saving Nixon from removal.
"We're building this for not just the present, or even the present decade; we're building it for 50 years, and we need expansion space," one woman said.
Moutere-Waimea Ward councillor Christeen Mackenzie has been pushing the project since she was first elected six years ago.
She said trying to plan for 50 years' time was like trying to look into a "crystal ball".
"Do you have one big shooting box for absolutely everything in one location? That is not necessarily what you might need into the future. Introducing the idea of Site 2 [Fort Haldeman], I think it's giving the community an opportunity to think about that," she said.
"If someone comes to the council with a proposal, you've got to do your due diligence and think about it."
The Wakefield Community Hub has a budget of around $11 million with $6.4m coming from developers, $2.5m from community fundraising, and $2.1m coming from a loan that will be repaid over time from an existing community facility pot that was funded through rates.
Residents can have their say here.
The Wakefield hub used to be part of a collective community facility project for Waimea South, including the town of Brightwater.
But the two town's projects have since been split apart, and Brightwater's public hall will be upgraded at a cost of about $2.5m.
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Gender Equality And Human Rights Is The Only Pathway Towards Sustainable Development Where No One Is Left Behind
Gender Equality And Human Rights Is The Only Pathway Towards Sustainable Development Where No One Is Left Behind

Scoop

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  • Scoop

Gender Equality And Human Rights Is The Only Pathway Towards Sustainable Development Where No One Is Left Behind

Apply for SHE & Rights Media Awards 2025: 'Anti-rights and anti-gender pushes are driven by political, conservative, and religious bodies that frame wrong understandings of gender as a 'threat to the social good'. So, increasingly it seems that any progressive position on justice, whether it is social, racial, gender, sexual, economic, migrant, disability, climate, or ecological, is misunderstood as threatening and destructive to the dominant global order,' said Dr Angelique Nixon, Director, CAISO: Sex & Gender Justice, Trinidad & Tobago, and Senior Lecturer and researcher, Institute for Gender and Development Studies, University of West Indies, Trinidad and Tobago. She added: 'Particularly for those of us in the Global South, we have to understand that this global order is white supremacist, capitalist, and patriarchal, that sustains itself through division, fear mongering, and (wrong) beliefs that 'a market will fix anything and will fix everything' – and we know that it does not.' 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Next 5-years projection show that new HIV infections and AIDS-related deaths globally can dangerously rise if the lost funding (both this year and in recent years) does not return. Many countries have reduced their investments and domestic funding is often inadequate to fully fund the AIDS response – which has been relying on external support,' said Eamonn Murphy, UNAIDS Regional Director for Asia Pacific, and Central Asia and Eastern Europe. 'Nine countries in Asia and the Pacific region have rising new HIV infection rates. 9 countries in the region have too low coverage of lifesaving antiretroviral treatments. Moreover, the region has been hit with funding crisis – and – overall HIV prevention crisis too. Between 2010 to 2024, there were 9 countries in Asia Pacific which reported an increase in newly diagnosed people with HIV. Fiji has the world's fastest growing epidemic, new HIV infections increased by over 3091% in Fiji,' said Murphy. 'Along with Fiji, other countries in Asia Pacific where there was an upswing in the number of people newly diagnosed with HIV between 2010-2024 are: 562% rise in Philippines; 187% rise in Afghanistan; 84% rise in Papua New Guinea; 67% rise in Bhutan; 48% rise in Sri Lanka; 42% rise in Timor-Leste; 33% rise in Bangladesh; and 16% rise in Lao PDR. Between 2010-2024, there were 9 countries in Asia Pacific which are also treating less than half of the people living with HIV, such as Afghanistan (11%), Pakistan (16%), Fiji (24%), Philippines (40%), Bangladesh (41%), Indonesia (41%), Mongolia (41%), PNG (46%), and Maldives (48%),' said Murphy of UNAIDS. 'Compared to the decline in the number of people newly diagnosed with HIV between 2010-2024 worldwide (40%), the decline in Asia Pacific is far behind (17%),' said Eamonn of UNAIDS. 'Over the past decades, Africa has seen remarkable advances in the fight against HIV. According to UNAIDS, new HIV infections in Eastern and Southern Africa declined by 57% between 2010 and 2023 (more than the global average). Today, over 20 million people in sub-Saharan Africa are accessing antiretroviral therapy, a testament to the commitment of governments, communities, and international partners,' said Letlhogonolo Mokgoroane, Legal Representative and Head of Strategic Litigation and Research, OurEquity, South Africa; member of Johannesburg Society of Advocates. 'Yet, despite these gains, the journey is far from over. In 2024 alone, there were an estimated 800,000 new HIV infections in sub-Saharan Africa, and women and girls accounted for 63% of these. Adolescent girls and young women aged 15-24 are more than twice as likely to acquire HIV as their male peers. These numbers remind us that HIV remains a public health crisis. But HIV is not just a medical issue—it is deeply intertwined with social, economic, and legal factors. 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Sex workers, who are 13 times more likely to be living with HIV than the general population, often face harassment and violence, further increasing their vulnerability. Laws and policies that discriminate against people living with HIV, LGBTQIA+ individuals, sex workers, and other marginalized groups not only violate human rights but also fuel the epidemic. For example, in Nigeria, the Same Sex Marriage (Prohibition) Act has led to a 41% decrease in access to HIV services among men who have sex with men,' added Letlhogonolo. Prevention revolution necessary to protect everyone from HIV and STIs 'Asia Pacific has a prevention crisis. The reduction of new infections has flatlined. Every 2 minutes a new person contracts HIV in our region today. Every hour we have 35 new HIV infections including 9 among young people. Every single day, we have over 300 men who have sex with men, over 80 persons who inject drugs, over 50 sex workers, and over 15 transgender persons, newly infected with HIV in the region. 79% of new HIV infections were among key populations and their partners: 43% among men who have sex with men, 7% among sex workers, 12% among persons who inject drugs, 2% among transgender peoples, among others. Criminalisation and marginalisation deepen their vulnerability making it harder for HIV key populations to access services – and less likely to engage with the services available. Not just HIV prevention is flatlined in the region but also HIV testing and treatment have only increased marginally since 2023,' said UNAIDS leader Eamonn Murphy. Decriminalising sex work removes legal barriers to justice, health access and human dignity 'We are calling for the full decriminalisation of sex work because sex workers deserve to work in safe, free, and dignified spaces. Right now, criminalisation puts sex workers at risk — it makes them more vulnerable to violence, police abuse, stigma, and poor health access. Decriminalisation would mean sex workers can report crimes without fear, access healthcare without judgment, and work without hiding. It is not just a legal issue —it is about human rights, health, and safety. Every sex worker deserves to be protected, respected, and free to choose how they live and work,' said Pam Ntshekula is a dedicated advocate for the rights and safety of sex workers and Lobbyist Officer, Sex Workers Education and Advocacy Taskforce (SWEAT), South Africa. 'Many sex workers avoid clinics due to stigma and mistreatment. Full decriminalisation ensures safe, respectful access to SRHR services. Criminalisation limits condom use, outreach, and health education. Decriminalisation creates safer environments for prevention and care. Constant fear of arrest, violence, and shame harms mental wellness. 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Intersectional work to address intersectional stigma and discrimination faced by transgender peoples is so critically important and with funding cuts, it has become even more acute. There are a lot of transgender people who have been thrown out from their workplaces just because they are transgenders. I have lost my job - I was working with USAID. I have lost my job just being a transgender person. Lot of transgender people have lost their job,' said Abhina Aher, Chief Executive of TWEET Foundation and former Chair of Asia Pacific Transgender Network. Right to health and gender equality are intrinsically linked 'Right to health cannot be dislocated from gender equality and human rights. We have to ensure that gender equality and human right to health are recognized as fundamental human rights in all countries. Progress towards SDG-3, continues to be stunted in the Asia Pacific region, such as on universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights; communicable and noncommunicable diseases; universal health coverage; and access for all to safe, effective, quality and affordable disease prevention tools like vaccines, diagnostics and medicines,' said Shobha Shukla, Lead Discussant for SDG-3 at the United Nations High Level Political Forum (HLPF 2025). ' Gender disparities significantly impact health outcomes and evidence shows that SDG-3 goals cannot be realised without addressing SDG-5 on gender equality. Rise of anti-rights and anti-gender ideologies, including the regressive Geneva Consensus Declaration, the most recent trend of defunding development assistance for gender equality and health, the impact of austerity measures in debt-ridden countries, deprioritisation of health spending, and poor domestic resource allocation on health, are contributing to reversal in progress towards SDG-3,' said Shobha Shukla. 'Essential health services must include sexual and reproductive health services - including safe abortion and post-abortion care, menstrual health hygiene, and mental health services, with particular attention to women, adolescent girls, persons with disability, indigenous peoples, gender diverse communities, older people, young people, migrant workers, refugees, people living with HIV, sex workers, people who use drugs, among others. They must also include all health and social support services for survivors of sexual and gender-based violence,' she added. ' Each of SDG goals and targets are interconnected. For example, studies show that countries with higher gender equality have lower rates of HIV infection among women. In Botswana, legal reforms to protect women's property rights have led to increased economic independence and better health outcomes. We cannot achieve health without justice. We cannot achieve justice without upholding rights. And we cannot uphold rights without addressing the root causes of inequality and exclusion,' said Letlhogonolo. We have to ensure that health responses are people-centered, gender transformative and rights-based for all, without any condition or exclusion. With 5 years left to deliver on SDG-3 and SDG-5 and other SDGs, we appeal to governments to step up their actions on gender equality and human right to health - where no one is left behind. SHE & Rights (Sexual Health with Equity & Rights) session was co-hosted by Global Center for Health Diplomacy and Inclusion (CeHDI), International Conference on Family Planning (ICFP 2025), Family Planning News Network (FPNN), International Planned Parenthood Federation (IPPF), Asian-Pacific Resource and Research Centre for Women (ARROW), Women's Global Network for Reproductive Rights (WGNRR), Asia Pacific Media Alliance for Health and Development (APCAT Media) and CNS.

A 25-year-old tries to figure out what the Alliance party is
A 25-year-old tries to figure out what the Alliance party is

The Spinoff

time2 days ago

  • The Spinoff

A 25-year-old tries to figure out what the Alliance party is

After a long hibernation, the Alliance is running a candidate in this year's Christchurch local elections. Shanti Mathias, who was a toddler when the party was last a major political contender, tries to figure out what they're all about. As a journalist covering this year's local body elections in Christchurch, I was intrigued by the announcement that the Alliance had decided to stand a candidate, its first in many years in either local or national politics. The problem was, I didn't know what the Alliance was. This is because I am 25 years old and didn't start paying attention to New Zealand politics until about 2019 – and I haven't managed to learn the entire history of the topic just yet. The obvious solution was to read the Wikipedia page for the Alliance. But Wikipedia's source of truth is usually any old person who's read a few articles. And articles have information in them because journalists ask people questions. I had to skip the middleman and get to the real source of truth: asking people who might know what the Alliance is. Here's what I knew about the Alliance: it was at least somewhat left-wing. The candidate standing in Christchurch Central, Tom Roud, had some really nice posters and had a launch event early in July, featuring several cool bands and one band that really annoys me. What did the Alliance stand for? Why were they returning now? Was it really a return? Who is doing the graphic design for Tom Roud? Burdened with questions like this, I decided to start close to home. I asked my flatmate, Brogan, what she knew about the Alliance. Brogan studies psychology and has a degree in indigenous development. She has worked in a plant nursery and sometimes goes hunting. Her myriad experiences did not help her here. 'I don't know anything about the Alliance party,' she told me, as she ate breakfast. 'They must have been allied… with something?' Perhaps my problem was that I was going too young. I needed someone older than, say, 35. My friend Nathan seemed like a good call. 'I was born in the mid-80s, and started paying attention to politics in the mid-90s,' he said. 'The Labour MPs who felt the [Rogernomics] reforms hadn't gone far enough left to join the Act Party. The ones who felt that it had gone too far became the Alliance Party – this was in the late 80s and early 90s.' Finally we were getting somewhere! I had a timeline for the Alliance, and a rough idea of its ideological origins. Nathan also gave me a name: Jim Anderton, who had been his local MP in Wigram. Anderton had been a key figure in the Labour Party, but had split from it when the Alliance was formed, then splitting from the Alliance in the early 2000s to form the Progressive Party. I now had some broad details about the Alliance, but I needed specifics. Perhaps I was casting the net too wide, trying to find relatively normal people who remembered what the Alliance was. I needed to find the real freaks, someone whose knowledge of small parties was greater than their desire to live a peaceful life. I reached out, obviously, to Alex Braae, executive producer of TVNZ's Q+A and former editor of The Bulletin for The Spinoff. What Nathan had told me was broadly right, Braae said, but there were some missing details. The Alliance was, as Brogan had suspected, an alliance: a group of parties, including NewLabour, Social Credit and the Greens, which rallied around each other, officially coming into being at the end of 1991 in order to have a broad base in the 1993 election. 'It was a first-past-the-post election, which meant that you wanted to clump together with enough like-minded parties to have a hope of winning the election against Labour and National,' said Braae. The Alliance didn't win in 1993, but it did get a significant chunk of the vote – 18%. That didn't mean much in the pre-MMP world, though, and the party secured just two seats in parliament – not because of that 18%, but because Anderton and fellow Alliance candidate Sandra Lee won their electorates. By 1996, the first MMP election, a decent party vote share meant the Alliance had many more MPs – 13 – even though it had received a lower percentage of votes (10%) than in 1993. It didn't last. In the 1999 election the Green Party stood separately, and the Alliance's vote share dropped to 8%. Anderton, however, secured the role of deputy prime minister as part of a Labour-Alliance coalition. But by 2002, the Alliance was a shadow of its former self. 'The only MPs left in the wreckage were Jim Anderton and – what was his name? Matt Robson?' Braae said. The pair called themselves the Progressive Coalition, then the Progressive Party. I now knew enough not to completely embarrass myself before a true Alliance expert. I called Quentin Findlay, who had been in the proverbial room where it happened: he was a founding member of NewLabour and the Alliance, standing for the party in the 1999 and 2005 general elections – and has a PhD studying the origins of the Labour Party. He and other Alliance members had felt a little surprised that a group of young people in Christchurch asked to run under the party's banner in the 2025 local elections. 'I was pleased,' he said. 'I always felt that there was space for a party like the Alliance for younger people.' Findlay gave me some more context on the origins of the Alliance. 'I was very disenchanted with the fourth Labour government – there didn't seem much difference between Labour and National, when both supported neoliberalism,' Findlay said. He said the peak of the Alliance was in the early 1990s; the party formed in 1992, participating in the local elections, then making a big push to get 18% of the voter share in 1993. According to Findlay, the existence of the Alliance 'helped drag the Labour Party back to the left' after Rogernomics and Ruth Richardson. But Anderton, feeling that 'one day in government was worth a thousand in opposition', went along with the policies of Helen Clark's government, said Findlay. As deputy prime minister he did get some big wins – he was the key architect of Kiwibank, for example – but 'there wasn't any scope for [the Alliance] to have its own policies independent of Labour'. This led to a rift in the party, and Anderton's support of New Zealand's involvement in the invasion of Afghanistan was 'the straw that broke the camel's back', said Findlay. The party split. In 2002, the Alliance ran separately to Anderton's Progressives, with Laila Harré as leader (she would later be the leader of Kim Dotcom's Internet Party in 2014). It failed to win any seats. While the Alliance continued to run candidates in single electorates (Dunedin and Napier) until the 2014 election, Findlay said it was essentially in 'abeyance'. Now, a version of the party has returned. 'It's an interesting brand to revive now, especially in Christchurch, where Jim Anderton was such a big political figure,' Braae had said. The current revival uses the brand of the Alliance, but has a quite different set of people involved. 'It's no longer an alliance of five parties,' said Findlay.'It's a lot freer, in a way, not to be so caught up with the past.' This was very interesting but the problem with phone calls is that no one's name is underlined in blue, hinting at more tantalising pages full of minutiae, colour-coded tables and random images from the public domain. It was time to read the Wikipedia page for the Alliance, which revealed an unimportant detail no one had thought to mention: the original Alliance colours were a festive red and green.

US tariffs: Some Pacific nations get relief, others face increase
US tariffs: Some Pacific nations get relief, others face increase

RNZ News

time2 days ago

  • RNZ News

US tariffs: Some Pacific nations get relief, others face increase

US President Donald Trump holds a chart titled 'Reciprocal Tariffs' during an event at the White House in Washington, DC, on 2 April 2025. Photo: AFP / Brendan Smialowski Pacific Islands still face tariffs from the United States, but some rates are lower than originally announced in April . The White House announced last week that the "universal" tariff for goods coming into the US will remain at 10 percent , the same level that was implemented on 2 April before the pause. But that 10 percent rate will apply only to countries with which the US has a trade surplus - countries to which the US exports more than it imports. That applies to most countries, a senior administration official said. A 15 percent rate will serve as the new tariff floor for countries with which the America has a trade deficit. About 40 countries will pay that new 15 per cent tariff. The tariff in Fiji has more than halved - from 32 percent to 15 percent. Fiji's trade ministry welcomed the drop from 32 per cent to 15 per cent. Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Trade Manoa Kamikamica said the reduction offers welcome relief to Fiji's exporters and helps preserve their competitiveness in the US market - but it's not the end of the road yet. "The 15 percent tariff is not the end of the journey. As referred to in the [US] executive order of 1 August 2025, Fiji is designated as a country in ongoing negotiations with the United States," he said in a statement. The reduced tariff rate will take effect from 8 August, applying to all goods of Fijian origin unless excluded under specific provisions. "We remain committed to advancing these discussions in good faith. Our ultimate goal is to significantly reduce the 15 per cent tariff," Kamikamica said. The Fijian government said the country accounts for less than 0.0001 per cent of total US imports, "posing no discernible threat to US industry." Vanuatu's tariffs have been dropped from 22 per cent to 15, and Nauru's from 30 per cent also to 15. However, Papua New Guinea has seen an increase from 10 to 15 percent, while New Zealand has also been given the 15 percent tariff. Speaking to RNZ's Morning Report , Prime Minister Christopher Luxon said the tariff, which had been expected to be at 10 percent, being at a higher percentage was "not what New Zealand wanted" . Top diplomat Vangelis Vitalis was flying to Washington in the wake of the announcement, with Trade Minister Todd McClay intending to visit in coming days too. Despite the higher tariff, Luxon said the government had "played it well". "We continue to register our disappointment about the decision; we've also done it since April." He believed New Zealand exporters were "nimble and agile" and there was still huge demand for New Zealand products and services globally. The opposition said the 15 percent tariff was a "slap in the face" for exporters.

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