Explore Europe by bike: How cycling tourism is transforming travel
Across Europe, more travellers are choosing to see the continent from the bicycle saddle.
The once-niche endurance sport is now a growing form of low-impact, eco-friendly travel that's gaining momentum as Europe embraces more sustainable ways to move and explore.
In fact, cycling tourism accounts for an estimated 2.3 billion trips across the EU each year, according to the European Cyclists' Federation (ECF), from multi-day bikepacking adventures to leisurely riverside rides that go far beyond the city commute.
In honour of World Bicycle Day today, 3 June, there's no better time to embrace a form of travel that's as good for your well-being as it is for the world around you.
A love for cycling is deeply embedded in Europe's DNA. This is the continent of the Tour de France, Giro d'Italia and La Vuelta a España, after all. But the recent surge in two-wheeled travel isn't about elite stage races alone.
Increasingly, everyday travellers are planning cycling holidays around slow, scenic routes that offer a more immersive, eco-friendly way to explore the world.
According to the ECF, cycling tourism now generates more than €44 billion annually and supports thousands of small businesses, from rural guesthouses to bike rental shops. In many cases, cyclists help extend tourism beyond the usual hotspots, bringing off-season or additional income to lesser-visited towns and regions.
And if you add in economic gains from better health and fuel savings, the ECF estimates that cycling produces €150 billion in total benefits for Europe.
The benefits of cycling tourism go beyond economics, too. Riding a bike even for short trips supports several of the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), from reducing carbon emissions to improving physical and mental health, and creating more inclusive and accessible transport systems.
It's no wonder travellers are increasingly swapping long drives and flights foropen-air experiences that tread lightly and prioritise well-being.
At the heart of Europe's cycling renaissance is EuroVelo, a continent-wide network of long-distance cycle routes designed to promote sustainable travel and build a better-connected Europe.
Once complete, the network will span nearly 61,000 kilometres, connecting the continent via 17 themed routes developed and coordinated by the ECF. As of 2023, over 56,000 kilometres were already in place, mostly along dedicated cycleways or quiet, low-traffic roads enhanced by new bike-friendly lanes.
Each route has a distinct identity. EuroVelo 1, the Atlantic Coast Route, hugs Europe's western seaboard for more than 10,600 kilometres, running from northern Norway, across the UK and Ireland, through France and Spain and ending in Portugal.
EuroVelo 6, the Rivers Route, follows the Loire, Rhine and Danube through the centre of the continent before reaching the Black Sea.
And EuroVelo 13, the so-called Iron Curtain Trail, links former Cold War borders all the way to the edges of Turkey and Greece, turning a once-divisive line into a path of discovery.
EuroVelo is continuing to expand across the continent.
In 2023, the ECF announced plans for EuroVelo 16, a nearly 1,900-kilometre Iberian Cycle Route. By 2028, the route will connect Lisbon and Pamplona with a journey through Alentejo, Toledo, Madrid and the foothills of the Pyrenees.
But other routes are proving just as popular. The 10-year-old Bay Cycle Way, a 130-kilometre path connecting Walney Island in Barrow-in-Furness with Glasson Dock in Lancaster, attracts three million riders a year, according to its founders, the Morecambe Bay Partnership.
Now, national governments are also stepping up. The UK announced nearly €355 million in funding in February to improve walking, wheeling and cycling infrastructure in England. The investment will add 300 miles of new routes, create safer crossings and provide free cycling training for hundreds of thousands of schoolchildren.
The city of Manchester is going a step further, aiming to make so-called 'active travel' routes widely accessible through its Bee Network of walking, cycling, bus and tram routes.
'Our plan to connect 95 per cent of our residents to within 400 metres of high-quality active travel routes is arguably the boldest in the country,' said Manchester's mayor, Andy Burnham, in a statement.
As governments invest in cycle-friendly infrastructure and more travellers seek meaningful, lower-impact ways to explore, cycling stands out for its simplicity and reach.
Whether it's a weekend ride along the Danube or a month-long journey from Norway to Portugal, cycling is becoming both a tourism asset and a public good that lets you experience Europe with fresh eyes and a lighter footprint.
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Digital weight loss: How online Ozempic buyers bypass prescriptions
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Merz's basic problem is that Trump has taken an axe to German-US relations and is not particularly interested in good terms with Berlin. This situation is a novelty for a German chancellor. Merz's predecessors since 1949 have experienced ups and downs in their relations with the respective US presidents, but the close friendship between the two countries has never been called into question. So how did they get along? Konrad Adenauer was 73 when he was elected the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. Four years after the end of World War II, however, the country was not yet a sovereign state. Adenauer was only too aware of this. He sought a close and trusting relationship with the US and adheres very closely to instructions from Washington. In 1953, Adenauer travelled to the US for the first time - it was the first ever visit by a German head of government to Washington! His talks with US President Dwight Eisenhower (1953-61) were friendly. For Adenauer, the protection, aid and military presence of the United States were indispensable for the democratic development of Germany, as well as for peace and prosperity in Europe. Adenauer developed close personal relations with Eisenhower and especially his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, which benefitted German-US relations as a whole. In contrast, Adenauer's relationship with John F Kennedy (1961-63) was not without problems. The two are far apart in terms of both age and politics. In 1963, his last year in office, Adenauer was already 87, and Kennedy, 41 years his junior, saw him as a man of the past. Kennedy felt that the chancellor's stance on the German question was too rigid and lacked flexibility in the face of changing conditions in Europe. Conversely, Adenauer harbours mistrust of US-Soviet negotiations. He believes that a rapprochement between the two superpowers could only take place at the expense of Germany and its political goal of reunification. 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His relationship with Ronald Reagan (1981-1989) even had friendly traits that outlasted even the embarrassing Bitburg controversy. In 1985, Kohl invited Reagan to visit the Bitburg military cemetery in the Eifel region during his stay in Germany - as a sign of reconciliation between former enemies. When it was discovered that not only Wehrmacht soldiers but also members of the Waffen SS were buried at the cemetery, a storm of indignation broke out in Washington. The White House wanted to cancel the visit, but Reagan remained stubborn and thus supported the German chancellor. Kohl also developed a friendly and close relationship with Reagan's successor George HW Bush (1989-93), which facilitated communication between the two governments during the collapse of the GDR and the German reunification process. In the 1990s, German-US relations were determined not least by the question of how much responsibility Germany should assume in the world. 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A European Commission spokesperson noted that under the EU's Digital Services Act online platforms have an obligation to protect consumers. The act requires users to be able to quickly report illegal content and products, obliges platforms to remove illicit goods and online marketplaces have to trace their traders. "The DSA obliges platforms to address risks of illegal content and goods being disseminated on their sites," and the Commission is monitoring compliance and won't hesitate to open further proceedings, according to the spokesperson. The rise of weight-loss drugs has ushered in a new dilemma for both medicine and society. These are powerful tools with potential to transform lives—but only when used safely, and for the right reasons. As regulators struggle to keep up with demand, tech companies and messaging platforms must also step up. Health isn't just a personal issue—it's a systemic one. And without stronger protections in place, the rush for fast fixes could leave a trail of long-term damage. US President Donald Trump said that his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin told him "very strongly" in a phone call on Wednesday that he will respond to Ukraine's weekend drone attack on Russian airfields. "We discussed the attack on Russia's docked airplanes, by Ukraine, and also various other attacks that have been taking place by both sides," Trump wrote in a post on Truth Social. "It was a good conversation, but not a conversation that will lead to immediate Peace." The call reportedly lasted for an hour and 15 minutes and was Trump's first known contact with Putin since 19 May. In a briefing with government ministers earlier on Wednesday, Putin made no mention of Ukraine's audacious operation deep inside Russia on Sunday, instead referring only to an operation carried out by Ukraine's Security Service (SBU) on Tuesday which saw the Kerch Bridge damaged. The bridge is a key piece of Russian infrastructure illegally built by Moscow after its unilateral annexation of the Ukrainian peninsula in 2014. Putin referred to that attack as "certainly a terrorist act." However, Ukraine's SBU said the first explosion was timed to take place just before 5am when there were no civilians on or near the bridge. The Russian leader also questioned the value of faltering peace talks with Ukraine, accusing Kyiv of not being interested in peace. "What is there to talk about? How can we negotiate with those who rely on terror?" he said. The second round of face-to-face talks between Ukraine and Russia took place in Istanbul on Monday, with no major breakthrough made towards a lasting ceasefire. The two sides however agreed to another prisoner of war exchange, with Ukraine's Defence Minister Rustem Umerov saying seriously ill and young soldiers would be swapped. During the talks in Istanbul, Ukraine also gave Moscow officials a list of hundreds of Ukrainian children forcefully deported by Russia. "We are talking about hundreds of children whom Russia has illegally deported, forcibly transferred or is holding in the temporarily occupied territories. We are waiting for a response. The ball is in Russia's court," the head of Ukraine's presidential office Andriy Yermak said on Telegram. Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said it took Kyiv "one year, six months, and nine days from the start of planning to effective execution" of the operation. Kyiv managed to smuggle FPV drones deep inside Russia and hide them inside trucks in mobile log cabins. The cabins' roofs were then opened remotely and the drones proceeded to launch their attack on Russian military bombers. Social media footage widely shared by Russian media appears to show the drones rising from inside containers, while the panels lie discarded on the road. 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The warhead then automatically detonated as it approached and made contact with a specific target. Earlier, Ukraine's President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said that 117 drones had been used in Operation Spiderweb, each with its own pilot. The General Staff of Ukraine's Armed Forces confirmed on Tuesday that Russia lost 41 military aircraft.
Euronews
4 hours ago
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UK trade minister keen to use EU e-gates ‘as soon as possible'
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However, the implementation details are still pending. Under the new deal, British travellers will be able to take advantage of the faster e-gate passport checks at many EU airports, but full details have yet been released on when this will be introduced. 'We hope it is as soon as possible because part of the agreement is the Commission saying there's no legal impediment to the use of e-gates,' Reynolds told Euronews. Reynolds said that the e-gates carried 'huge efficiency advantages', adding: 'I want people who are going on their summer holiday from the UK to have the ease and use of that.' Reynolds said his focus now is on implementing the May agreement, and dismissed opposition arguments against the agreement from the UK's Conservative and Reform parties. 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During his first stint in office, Trump regularly made disparaging remarks about Germany and developed a non-relationship with Chancellor Angela Merkel characterised by mutual personal dislike. Trump's erratic trade policy, which has the EU and Germany specifically in its sights, as well as Trump's retreat from traditionally solid transatlantic positions on common defence and Russia have, challenged Merz before he even moved into the Chancellery. How the mutual relationship between Merz and Trump develops in the future is likely to depend crucially on how the Chancellor completes his first visit to the Oval Office - Volodymyr Zelenskyy sends his regards! Merz's basic problem is that Trump has taken an axe to German-American relations and is not particularly interested in good terms with Berlin. This situation is a novelty for a German chancellor. 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For Adenauer, the protection, aid and military presence of the United States are indispensable for the democratic development of Germany as well as peace and prosperity in Europe. Adenauer develops close personal relations with Eisenhower and especially his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, which benefits German-American relations as a whole. In contrast, Adenauer's relationship with John F. Kennedy (1961-63) is not without problems. The two are far apart in terms of both age and politics. In 1963, his last year in office, Adenauer is already 87 - and Kennedy, 41 years his junior, sees him as a man of the past. Kennedy feels that the Chancellor's stance on the German question is too rigid and lacks flexibility in the face of changing conditions in Europe. Conversely, Adenauer harbours mistrust of American-Soviet negotiations. He believes that a rapprochement between the two superpowers could only take place at the expense of Germany and its political goal of reunification. Ludwig Erhard (1963-66) vs. Lyndon B. Johnson After the discord between Adenauer and JFK, relations between Chancellor Ludwig Erhard and Kennedy's successor Lyndon B. Johnson (1963-69) become very friendly again. German foreign policy is by now characterised by the conflict between 'Atlanticists' and 'Gaullists', with the latter wanting a close alliance with France, which Erhard rejects in favour of nuclear protection of the US. Erhard and Johnson meet sympathetically from the outset and come together five times during Erhard's short time in office. The first time was just one month after Johnson's inauguration, when the Texan invited the German to his ranch in Texas, a particular honour, especially for a foreigner. Willy Brandt (1969-1974) vs. Richard Nixon Willy Brandt is the first Social Democrat to become Federal Chancellor in 1974. Brandt sees himself as a self-confident partner of the USA. However, his 'Ostpolitik', which seeks an understanding with the GDR, Poland and the Soviet Union, is viewed with great suspicion in Washington. US President Richard Nixon (1969-74) distrusts Brandt, whom he considers to be a 'German nationalist'. Brandt, on the other hand, tries to maintain a good relationship with Nixon and avoids open criticism of the war in Vietnam. Personally, the two have practically nothing to say to each other. Alluding to Brandt's illegitimate origins, Nixon occasionally calls him 'the bastard' behind closed doors. Helmut Schmidt (1974-82) vs. Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter In the mid-1970s, German-American relations are better than ever before. US President Gerald Ford (1974-77) and German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt know and appreciate each other and are close friends in their private lives. There is a great deal of agreement on key issues, as well as a trusting openness in discussing differences. However, Ford loses the 1976 election to his challenger Jimmy Carter (1977-81). Carter is inexperienced on foreign policy and relies on a team of advisors disconnected from the think tanks of the East Coast - where Schmidt has been well connected for decades and enjoys a high reputation. Schmidt, who has a tendency to lecture people, sees Carter as a novice who has only a limited understanding of the world's complex problems. This does not go unnoticed by Carter - relations quickly hit rock bottom. When it comes to the deployment of the neutron bomb, there are serious disagreements. Schmidt, amid great domestic political difficulties, advocates the weapons system desired by Washington. When Carter stops its production at the last minute for domestic political reasons, Schmidt feels exposed and abandoned. Helmut Kohl (1982-1998) vs. Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton Unlike Schmidt, Helmut Kohl has no personal connection to the United States and does not speak English. Nevertheless, he shows transatlantic solidarity from the outset and endeavours to establish a personal relationship with every US president he deals with. His relationship with Ronald Reagan (1981-89) even has friendly traits that outlasts even the embarrassing Bitburg controversy. In 1985, Kohl invites Reagan to visit the Bitburg military cemetery in the Eifel region during his stay in Germany - as a sign of reconciliation between former enemies. When it is discovered that not only Wehrmacht soldiers but also members of the Waffen SS are buried at the cemetery, a storm of indignation breaks out in Washington. The White House wants to cancel the visit, but Reagan remains stubborn and thus supports the German Chancellor. Kohl also develops a friendly and close relationship with Reagan's successor George Bush (1989-93), which facilitates communication between the two governments during the collapse of the GDR and the German reunification process. In the 1990s, German-American relations are determined not least by the question of how much responsibility Germany should assume in the world. US President Bill Clinton (1993-2001), with whom Kohl has an even better relationship than with Reagan, reacts positively to the German decision to send Bundeswehr soldiers to the Balkans as part of an international peacekeeping force. In his memoirs, Clinton speaks almost affectionately and with great respect about his appreciation for Kohl. He was 'not only physically' the most impressive political leader in Europe for decades, according to Clinton. Gerhard Schröder (1998-2005) vs. George W. Bush The relationship between German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and US President George W. Bush develops quite differently. The atmosphere between Bonn (later Berlin) and Washington is probably never as icy as in those years. The reason: the red-green government's no to the war in Iraq. Mistrust, personal animus, blatant dislike - the rift between the two leaders is total. This becomes apparent again years later, when both are no longer in office and both accused each other of lying on the occasion of the publication of Bush's memoirs in 2010. Angela Merkel (2005-21) vs. Barack Obama Under Chancellor Angela Merkel, German-American relations relax again. Unlike with Schröder, Bush gets on well with Merkel and calls her 'a friend'. In contrast, the Chancellor's relationship with Barack Obama is slow to warm. In 2008, she refuses to allow the then presidential candidate to give a speech in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin - Obama has to make do with the Victory Column. But after Obama's election, the relationship is increasingly characterised by mutual trust. Both cultivate a sober and pragmatic political style and a liberal view of the world, which facilitates cooperation. Olaf Scholz (2021-25) vs Joe Biden In a way, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz is lucky: US President Joe Biden is probably the last great old-school US Atlanticist. This makes cooperation easier. Both like each other, work together in a spirit of trust and describe each other as friends. In fact, Scholz consults with Biden more frequently and more closely than with his European colleagues. When it comes to aid for Ukraine, Scholz does nothing without obtaining Biden's approval. At their last meeting, both warned against ending aid to Ukraine. This is now a matter for their successors.
Euronews
4 hours ago
- Euronews
Beasts and besties - German chancellors and US presidents through time
As Germany's new Chancellor Friedrich Merz meets US President Donald Trump for the first time at the White House on Thursday he'll be aware of how predecessors have tackled the transatlantic relationship. The stars don't augur well, however. During his first stint in office, Trump regularly made disparaging remarks about Germany and developed a non-relationship with Chancellor Angela Merkel characterised by mutual personal dislike. Trump's erratic trade policy, which has the EU and Germany specifically in its sights, as well as Trump's retreat from traditionally solid transatlantic positions on common defence and Russia have, challenged Merz before he even moved into the Chancellery. How the mutual relationship between Merz and Trump develops in the future is likely to depend crucially on how the Chancellor completes his first visit to the Oval Office - Volodymyr Zelenskyy sends his regards! Merz's basic problem is that Trump has taken an axe to German-American relations and is not particularly interested in good terms with Berlin. This situation is a novelty for a German chancellor. Merz's predecessors since 1949 have experienced ups and downs in their relations with the respective American presidents, but the close friendship between the two countries has never been called into question. So how did they get along? Konrad Adenauer (1949-63) vs. Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy Konrad Adenauer is 73 when he is elected the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. Four years after the end of the Second World War, however, the country is not yet a sovereign state. Adenauer is only too aware of this. He seeks a close and trusting relationship with the US and adheres very closely to instructions from Washington. In 1953, Adenauer travels to the USA for the first time - it is the first ever visit by a German head of government to Washington! His talks with US President Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-61) are friendly. For Adenauer, the protection, aid and military presence of the United States are indispensable for the democratic development of Germany as well as peace and prosperity in Europe. Adenauer develops close personal relations with Eisenhower and especially his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, which benefits German-American relations as a whole. In contrast, Adenauer's relationship with John F. Kennedy (1961-63) is not without problems. The two are far apart in terms of both age and politics. In 1963, his last year in office, Adenauer is already 87 - and Kennedy, 41 years his junior, sees him as a man of the past. Kennedy feels that the Chancellor's stance on the German question is too rigid and lacks flexibility in the face of changing conditions in Europe. Conversely, Adenauer harbours mistrust of American-Soviet negotiations. He believes that a rapprochement between the two superpowers could only take place at the expense of Germany and its political goal of reunification. Ludwig Erhard (1963-66) vs. Lyndon B. Johnson After the discord between Adenauer and JFK, relations between Chancellor Ludwig Erhard and Kennedy's successor Lyndon B. Johnson (1963-69) become very friendly again. German foreign policy is by now characterised by the conflict between 'Atlanticists' and 'Gaullists', with the latter wanting a close alliance with France, which Erhard rejects in favour of nuclear protection of the US. Erhard and Johnson meet sympathetically from the outset and come together five times during Erhard's short time in office. The first time was just one month after Johnson's inauguration, when the Texan invited the German to his ranch in Texas, a particular honour, especially for a foreigner. Willy Brandt (1969-1974) vs. Richard Nixon Willy Brandt is the first Social Democrat to become Federal Chancellor in 1974. Brandt sees himself as a self-confident partner of the USA. However, his 'Ostpolitik', which seeks an understanding with the GDR, Poland and the Soviet Union, is viewed with great suspicion in Washington. US President Richard Nixon (1969-74) distrusts Brandt, whom he considers to be a 'German nationalist'. Brandt, on the other hand, tries to maintain a good relationship with Nixon and avoids open criticism of the war in Vietnam. Personally, the two have practically nothing to say to each other. Alluding to Brandt's illegitimate origins, Nixon occasionally calls him 'the bastard' behind closed doors. Helmut Schmidt (1974-82) vs. Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter In the mid-1970s, German-American relations are better than ever before. US President Gerald Ford (1974-77) and German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt know and appreciate each other and are close friends in their private lives. There is a great deal of agreement on key issues, as well as a trusting openness in discussing differences. However, Ford loses the 1976 election to his challenger Jimmy Carter (1977-81). Carter is inexperienced on foreign policy and relies on a team of advisors disconnected from the think tanks of the East Coast - where Schmidt has been well connected for decades and enjoys a high reputation. Schmidt, who has a tendency to lecture people, sees Carter as a novice who has only a limited understanding of the world's complex problems. This does not go unnoticed by Carter - relations quickly hit rock bottom. When it comes to the deployment of the neutron bomb, there are serious disagreements. Schmidt, amid great domestic political difficulties, advocates the weapons system desired by Washington. When Carter stops its production at the last minute for domestic political reasons, Schmidt feels exposed and abandoned. Helmut Kohl (1982-1998) vs. Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton Unlike Schmidt, Helmut Kohl has no personal connection to the United States and does not speak English. Nevertheless, he shows transatlantic solidarity from the outset and endeavours to establish a personal relationship with every US president he deals with. His relationship with Ronald Reagan (1981-89) even has friendly traits that outlasts even the embarrassing Bitburg controversy. In 1985, Kohl invites Reagan to visit the Bitburg military cemetery in the Eifel region during his stay in Germany - as a sign of reconciliation between former enemies. When it is discovered that not only Wehrmacht soldiers but also members of the Waffen SS are buried at the cemetery, a storm of indignation breaks out in Washington. The White House wants to cancel the visit, but Reagan remains stubborn and thus supports the German Chancellor. Kohl also develops a friendly and close relationship with Reagan's successor George Bush (1989-93), which facilitates communication between the two governments during the collapse of the GDR and the German reunification process. In the 1990s, German-American relations are determined not least by the question of how much responsibility Germany should assume in the world. US President Bill Clinton (1993-2001), with whom Kohl has an even better relationship than with Reagan, reacts positively to the German decision to send Bundeswehr soldiers to the Balkans as part of an international peacekeeping force. In his memoirs, Clinton speaks almost affectionately and with great respect about his appreciation for Kohl. He was 'not only physically' the most impressive political leader in Europe for decades, according to Clinton. Gerhard Schröder (1998-2005) vs. George W. Bush The relationship between German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and US President George W. Bush develops quite differently. The atmosphere between Bonn (later Berlin) and Washington is probably never as icy as in those years. The reason: the red-green government's no to the war in Iraq. Mistrust, personal animus, blatant dislike - the rift between the two leaders is total. This becomes apparent again years later, when both are no longer in office and both accused each other of lying on the occasion of the publication of Bush's memoirs in 2010. Angela Merkel (2005-21) vs. Barack Obama Under Chancellor Angela Merkel, German-American relations relax again. Unlike with Schröder, Bush gets on well with Merkel and calls her 'a friend'. In contrast, the Chancellor's relationship with Barack Obama is slow to warm. In 2008, she refuses to allow the then presidential candidate to give a speech in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin - Obama has to make do with the Victory Column. But after Obama's election, the relationship is increasingly characterised by mutual trust. Both cultivate a sober and pragmatic political style and a liberal view of the world, which facilitates cooperation. Olaf Scholz (2021-25) vs Joe Biden In a way, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz is lucky: US President Joe Biden is probably the last great old-school US Atlanticist. This makes cooperation easier. Both like each other, work together in a spirit of trust and describe each other as friends. In fact, Scholz consults with Biden more frequently and more closely than with his European colleagues. When it comes to aid for Ukraine, Scholz does nothing without obtaining Biden's approval. At their last meeting, both warned against ending aid to Ukraine. This is now a matter for their successors. Hacking the way to the prescription: digital black markets and remote consultations give an easy access to weight loss drugs In a world chasing speed—fast food, fast fashion, fast tech—it's no surprise that quick slimming is the latest obsession. But the demand for rapid weight loss has opened a controversial new chapter in global health: the widespread use of prescription-only diabetes medications like Ozempic and Mounjaro for aesthetic purposes. These drugs, part of the GLP-1 class, were developed to help manage type 2 diabetes. Yet their dramatic side effect—substantial weight loss—has made them wildly popular among people with no underlying medical need. It's a trend health experts now warn could spiral into a global crisis. More than a billion people worldwide live with obesity, and over 830 million are managing diabetes. In Europe, over half the adult population is overweight, and 17% are clinically obese. The World Obesity Federation projects that by 2050, 60% of adults globally will fall into this category. GLP-1 drugs like Ozempic, Wegovy, Mounjaro, and Saxenda were designed to address these numbers through medical treatment. They regulate insulin levels, slow digestion, and reduce appetite, helping some users shed up to 15% of their body weight. For people with obesity and related health conditions, these drugs are a breakthrough. But for others—especially the young and image-conscious—they've become a shortcut. A way to stay lean without diet or exercise. And in today's fast-paced, hyper-filtered world, many are willing to skip the medical justification entirely. Although legally restricted in most countries, Ozempic and similar drugs can often be obtained with alarming ease. A quick online search reveals dozens of websites offering 'digital consultations' where users simply fill out a questionnaire, upload an ID, and—often without ever speaking to a doctor—receive a prescription. In some countries, the process is even more relaxed. Online platforms may not require access to a user's official medical records, allowing anyone with basic Photoshop skills and a scale to potentially game the system. In others, local pharmacies bend the rules. In places like Poland, Turkey, Greece, and Kosovo, access through unofficial channels has been reported despite existing regulations. A thriving grey market fills the gaps. Private group chats on messaging apps function like digital black markets. In just minutes, users can browse listings, order, and pay for unregulated GLP-1 drugs—no questions asked, no prescription required. Users even post photos celebrating their arrivals, turning health risks into social memes. This growing off-label trend comes with serious consequences. GLP-1 medications aren't without risks—especially when misused or taken without medical supervision. Common side effects include nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, constipation, loss of appetite and dehydration. More serious complications may include swelling of the pancreas, gallbladder disease which sometimes requires surgical removal, loss of muscle tissue, kidney injuries and hypoglycaemia, especially when combined with other medications. Thyroid tumours have been noted in some animal studies of the drugs. Then there's the risk of fakes. In 2023, authorities in Austria and the UK reported hospitalisations due to counterfeit Ozempic pens, some of which were found to contain insulin instead of semaglutide. The World Health Organization (WHO) has since issued a global alert over falsified versions of semaglutide found in the UK, US, and Brazil. 'These counterfeits can be life-threatening,' warned WHO's Dr. Yukiko Nakatani. 'We urge people to stop using suspicious products and report them immediately.' Despite growing awareness, enforcement lags behind. Messaging platforms where these drug sales take place continue to operate with minimal oversight. Closed groups named after "fitness" or "health" are often digital storefronts for illicit sales. Algorithms don't differentiate between helpful tips and harmful products—until someone gets hurt. This loophole highlights a growing regulatory blind spot. Health authorities may police pharmacies and clinics, but the world's most popular communication platforms remain largely unregulated terrain when it comes to drug trafficking. A European Commission spokesperson noted that under the EU's Digital Services Act online platforms have an obligation to protect consumers. The Act requires users to be able to quickly report illegal content and products, obliges platforms to remove illegal goods and online marketplaces have to trace their traders. "The DSA obliges platforms to address risks of illegal content and goods being disseminated on their sites," and the Commission is monitoring compliance and won't hesitate to open further proceedings, according to the spokesperson. The rise of weight-loss drugs has ushered in a new dilemma for both medicine and society. These are powerful tools with potential to transform lives—but only when used safely, and for the right reasons. As regulators struggle to keep up with demand, tech companies and messaging platforms must also step up. Health isn't just a personal issue—it's a systemic one. And without stronger protections in place, the rush for fast fixes could leave a trail of long-term damage.
