Beasts and besties - German chancellors and US presidents through time

Euronews

2 days ago

As Germany's new Chancellor Friedrich Merz meets US President Donald Trump for the first time at the White House on Thursday he'll be aware of how predecessors have tackled the transatlantic relationship.
The stars don't augur well, however. During his first stint in office, Trump regularly made disparaging remarks about Germany and developed a non-relationship with Chancellor Angela Merkel characterised by mutual personal dislike.
Trump's erratic trade policy, which has the EU and Germany specifically in its sights, as well as Trump's retreat from traditionally solid transatlantic positions on common defence and Russia have, challenged Merz before he even moved into the Chancellery.
How the mutual relationship between Merz and Trump develops in the future is likely to depend crucially on how the Chancellor completes his first visit to the Oval Office - Volodymyr Zelenskyy sends his regards!
Merz's basic problem is that Trump has taken an axe to German-American relations and is not particularly interested in good terms with Berlin.
This situation is a novelty for a German chancellor. Merz's predecessors since 1949 have experienced ups and downs in their relations with the respective American presidents, but the close friendship between the two countries has never been called into question.
So how did they get along?
Konrad Adenauer (1949-63) vs. Dwight D. Eisenhower, John F. Kennedy
Konrad Adenauer is 73 when he is elected the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany in 1949. Four years after the end of the Second World War, however, the country is not yet a sovereign state.
Adenauer is only too aware of this. He seeks a close and trusting relationship with the US and adheres very closely to instructions from Washington.
In 1953, Adenauer travels to the USA for the first time - it is the first ever visit by a German head of government to Washington! His talks with US President Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953-61) are friendly.
For Adenauer, the protection, aid and military presence of the United States are indispensable for the democratic development of Germany as well as peace and prosperity in Europe.
Adenauer develops close personal relations with Eisenhower and especially his Secretary of State John Foster Dulles, which benefits German-American relations as a whole.
In contrast, Adenauer's relationship with John F. Kennedy (1961-63) is not without problems.
The two are far apart in terms of both age and politics. In 1963, his last year in office, Adenauer is already 87 - and Kennedy, 41 years his junior, sees him as a man of the past.
Kennedy feels that the Chancellor's stance on the German question is too rigid and lacks flexibility in the face of changing conditions in Europe.
Conversely, Adenauer harbours mistrust of American-Soviet negotiations. He believes that a rapprochement between the two superpowers could only take place at the expense of Germany and its political goal of reunification.
Ludwig Erhard (1963-66) vs. Lyndon B. Johnson
After the discord between Adenauer and JFK, relations between Chancellor Ludwig Erhard and Kennedy's successor Lyndon B. Johnson (1963-69) become very friendly again.
German foreign policy is by now characterised by the conflict between 'Atlanticists' and 'Gaullists', with the latter wanting a close alliance with France, which Erhard rejects in favour of nuclear protection of the US.
Erhard and Johnson meet sympathetically from the outset and come together five times during Erhard's short time in office. The first time was just one month after Johnson's inauguration, when the Texan invited the German to his ranch in Texas, a particular honour, especially for a foreigner.
Willy Brandt (1969-1974) vs. Richard Nixon
Willy Brandt is the first Social Democrat to become Federal Chancellor in 1974. Brandt sees himself as a self-confident partner of the USA. However, his 'Ostpolitik', which seeks an understanding with the GDR, Poland and the Soviet Union, is viewed with great suspicion in Washington.
US President Richard Nixon (1969-74) distrusts Brandt, whom he considers to be a 'German nationalist'. Brandt, on the other hand, tries to maintain a good relationship with Nixon and avoids open criticism of the war in Vietnam.
Personally, the two have practically nothing to say to each other. Alluding to Brandt's illegitimate origins, Nixon occasionally calls him 'the bastard' behind closed doors.
Helmut Schmidt (1974-82) vs. Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter
In the mid-1970s, German-American relations are better than ever before. US President Gerald Ford (1974-77) and German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt know and appreciate each other and are close friends in their private lives.
There is a great deal of agreement on key issues, as well as a trusting openness in discussing differences.
However, Ford loses the 1976 election to his challenger Jimmy Carter (1977-81).
Carter is inexperienced on foreign policy and relies on a team of advisors disconnected from the think tanks of the East Coast - where Schmidt has been well connected for decades and enjoys a high reputation.
Schmidt, who has a tendency to lecture people, sees Carter as a novice who has only a limited understanding of the world's complex problems.
This does not go unnoticed by Carter - relations quickly hit rock bottom.
When it comes to the deployment of the neutron bomb, there are serious disagreements. Schmidt, amid great domestic political difficulties, advocates the weapons system desired by Washington.
When Carter stops its production at the last minute for domestic political reasons, Schmidt feels exposed and abandoned.
Helmut Kohl (1982-1998) vs. Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Bill Clinton
Unlike Schmidt, Helmut Kohl has no personal connection to the United States and does not speak English. Nevertheless, he shows transatlantic solidarity from the outset and endeavours to establish a personal relationship with every US president he deals with.
His relationship with Ronald Reagan (1981-89) even has friendly traits that outlasts even the embarrassing Bitburg controversy.
In 1985, Kohl invites Reagan to visit the Bitburg military cemetery in the Eifel region during his stay in Germany - as a sign of reconciliation between former enemies.
When it is discovered that not only Wehrmacht soldiers but also members of the Waffen SS are buried at the cemetery, a storm of indignation breaks out in Washington.
The White House wants to cancel the visit, but Reagan remains stubborn and thus supports the German Chancellor.
Kohl also develops a friendly and close relationship with Reagan's successor George Bush (1989-93), which facilitates communication between the two governments during the collapse of the GDR and the German reunification process.
In the 1990s, German-American relations are determined not least by the question of how much responsibility Germany should assume in the world.
US President Bill Clinton (1993-2001), with whom Kohl has an even better relationship than with Reagan, reacts positively to the German decision to send Bundeswehr soldiers to the Balkans as part of an international peacekeeping force.
In his memoirs, Clinton speaks almost affectionately and with great respect about his appreciation for Kohl. He was 'not only physically' the most impressive political leader in Europe for decades, according to Clinton.
Gerhard Schröder (1998-2005) vs. George W. Bush
The relationship between German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder and US President George W. Bush develops quite differently. The atmosphere between Bonn (later Berlin) and Washington is probably never as icy as in those years.
The reason: the red-green government's no to the war in Iraq.
Mistrust, personal animus, blatant dislike - the rift between the two leaders is total.
This becomes apparent again years later, when both are no longer in office and both accused each other of lying on the occasion of the publication of Bush's memoirs in 2010.
Angela Merkel (2005-21) vs. Barack Obama
Under Chancellor Angela Merkel, German-American relations relax again. Unlike with Schröder, Bush gets on well with Merkel and calls her 'a friend'.
In contrast, the Chancellor's relationship with Barack Obama is slow to warm.
In 2008, she refuses to allow the then presidential candidate to give a speech in front of the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin - Obama has to make do with the Victory Column.
But after Obama's election, the relationship is increasingly characterised by mutual trust.
Both cultivate a sober and pragmatic political style and a liberal view of the world, which facilitates cooperation.
Olaf Scholz (2021-25) vs Joe Biden
In a way, German Chancellor Olaf Scholz is lucky: US President Joe Biden is probably the last great old-school US Atlanticist. This makes cooperation easier.
Both like each other, work together in a spirit of trust and describe each other as friends.
In fact, Scholz consults with Biden more frequently and more closely than with his European colleagues.
When it comes to aid for Ukraine, Scholz does nothing without obtaining Biden's approval.
At their last meeting, both warned against ending aid to Ukraine. This is now a matter for their successors.
Hacking the way to the prescription: digital black markets and remote consultations give an easy access to weight loss drugs
In a world chasing speed—fast food, fast fashion, fast tech—it's no surprise that quick slimming is the latest obsession. But the demand for rapid weight loss has opened a controversial new chapter in global health: the widespread use of prescription-only diabetes medications like Ozempic and Mounjaro for aesthetic purposes.
These drugs, part of the GLP-1 class, were developed to help manage type 2 diabetes. Yet their dramatic side effect—substantial weight loss—has made them wildly popular among people with no underlying medical need. It's a trend health experts now warn could spiral into a global crisis.
More than a billion people worldwide live with obesity, and over 830 million are managing diabetes. In Europe, over half the adult population is overweight, and 17% are clinically obese. The World Obesity Federation projects that by 2050, 60% of adults globally will fall into this category.
GLP-1 drugs like Ozempic, Wegovy, Mounjaro, and Saxenda were designed to address these numbers through medical treatment. They regulate insulin levels, slow digestion, and reduce appetite, helping some users shed up to 15% of their body weight.
For people with obesity and related health conditions, these drugs are a breakthrough. But for others—especially the young and image-conscious—they've become a shortcut. A way to stay lean without diet or exercise. And in today's fast-paced, hyper-filtered world, many are willing to skip the medical justification entirely.
Although legally restricted in most countries, Ozempic and similar drugs can often be obtained with alarming ease. A quick online search reveals dozens of websites offering 'digital consultations' where users simply fill out a questionnaire, upload an ID, and—often without ever speaking to a doctor—receive a prescription.
In some countries, the process is even more relaxed. Online platforms may not require access to a user's official medical records, allowing anyone with basic Photoshop skills and a scale to potentially game the system. In others, local pharmacies bend the rules. In places like Poland, Turkey, Greece, and Kosovo, access through unofficial channels has been reported despite existing regulations.
A thriving grey market fills the gaps. Private group chats on messaging apps function like digital black markets. In just minutes, users can browse listings, order, and pay for unregulated GLP-1 drugs—no questions asked, no prescription required. Users even post photos celebrating their arrivals, turning health risks into social memes.
This growing off-label trend comes with serious consequences. GLP-1 medications aren't without risks—especially when misused or taken without medical supervision. Common side effects include nausea, vomiting, diarrhoea, constipation, loss of appetite and dehydration.
More serious complications may include swelling of the pancreas, gallbladder disease which sometimes requires surgical removal, loss of muscle tissue, kidney injuries and hypoglycaemia, especially when combined with other medications.
Thyroid tumours have been noted in some animal studies of the drugs.
Then there's the risk of fakes. In 2023, authorities in Austria and the UK reported hospitalisations due to counterfeit Ozempic pens, some of which were found to contain insulin instead of semaglutide. The World Health Organization (WHO) has since issued a global alert over falsified versions of semaglutide found in the UK, US, and Brazil.
'These counterfeits can be life-threatening,' warned WHO's Dr. Yukiko Nakatani. 'We urge people to stop using suspicious products and report them immediately.'
Despite growing awareness, enforcement lags behind. Messaging platforms where these drug sales take place continue to operate with minimal oversight. Closed groups named after "fitness" or "health" are often digital storefronts for illicit sales. Algorithms don't differentiate between helpful tips and harmful products—until someone gets hurt.
This loophole highlights a growing regulatory blind spot. Health authorities may police pharmacies and clinics, but the world's most popular communication platforms remain largely unregulated terrain when it comes to drug trafficking.
A European Commission spokesperson noted that under the EU's Digital Services Act online platforms have an obligation to protect consumers. The Act requires users to be able to quickly report illegal content and products, obliges platforms to remove illegal goods and online marketplaces have to trace their traders.
"The DSA obliges platforms to address risks of illegal content and goods being disseminated on their sites," and the Commission is monitoring compliance and won't hesitate to open further proceedings, according to the spokesperson.
The rise of weight-loss drugs has ushered in a new dilemma for both medicine and society. These are powerful tools with potential to transform lives—but only when used safely, and for the right reasons.
As regulators struggle to keep up with demand, tech companies and messaging platforms must also step up. Health isn't just a personal issue—it's a systemic one. And without stronger protections in place, the rush for fast fixes could leave a trail of long-term damage.