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Morrison's award makes a mockery of King's Birthday honours

Morrison's award makes a mockery of King's Birthday honours

If we ever needed a reminder as to what a farce the (so-called) King's Birthday awards have become, it's when Australia's most inept prime minister ever, Scott Morrison, gets a gong for his 'key role in the AUKUS nuclear submarine deal' (' Scott Morrison receives highest King's birthday honour ', June 9). Surely this is a joke. Morrison cancelled the deal for French submarines, costing the country $830 million; then the Albanese government was obliged to pay a further $800 million as a deposit to the US for Morrison's AUKUS deal. My guess, and that of many commentators more expert than me, is that we will never see an AUKUS submarine flying an Australian flag, and given the belligerence of Donald Trump to (former) allies, we shouldn't hold our breath for a refund of the deposit. So well done ScoMo, your incompetence has cost us $1.63 billion. Martyn Yeomans, Sapphire Beach
Part of Morrison's citation for his elevation to the highest rank in our awards system was for eminent services to parliament. Tony Abbott, he of Sir Prince Philip notoriety, appointed Scott Morrison to social services in 2014. Morrison announced he would be the 'welfare cop on the beat', but later as PM he presided over robo-debt. During COVID he left the heavy lifting to the state premiers, he was too slow rolling out the vaccines – 'it's not a race' – and he appointed himself, in secret, to several ministries. He did not hold a hose when his Hawaiian holiday coincided with the devastating fires in 2019. I wonder what Michael Towke, Morrison's rival in the electorate of Cook, thinks of all this. The honours system is farcical and this is perhaps the most egregious example (' Honouring Scott Morrison makes a mockery of awards system ', June 9). Time to shut it down. David Maguire, Kellyville
The administration of the Australian honours system seems determined to damage the renown of its awards, especially by its apparent policy of giving a companionship to former prime ministers, irrespective of whether it is deserved or not. Hence, Scott Morrison received one despite the scarifying report of the robo-debt royal commission, the ill-timed holiday in Hawaii and the multiple-portfolio scandal. This is notwithstanding his overwhelming rejection by the voters and the condemnation by the parliament. The whole system needs an urgent review. John Carmody, Roseville
I thought it was April Fool's Day when I read the Herald this morning. 'Scott Morrison awarded the Companion of the Order of Australia', the highest honour possible, noting his 'honourable service to the public and the parliament.' They must be joking. Whoever decides these awards is totally out of touch with reality. Bill Jackson, Noosaville
Scott Morrison only managed to steer Australia through the COVID years because he followed the expert and timely advice of the many nameless and faceless public servants who toiled in the background. Where are their awards and honours? Rowena Penniment, Earlwood
A gong for Morrison for leadership during the COVID-19 pandemic. Hardly. Any leadership came from chief medical officers and the premiers of NSW and Victoria. It's hardly the Peoples' Choice – no one even wanted to shake the bloke's hand. Andrew Smith, Lane Cove
Scott Morrison certainly belongs in a rogues' gallery, which sadly the Order of Australia is becoming. Rob Mills, Riverview
Scott Morrison's inclusion is an injustice to other honours recipients. Paul Lau, Dolls Point
Orders of Australia have been awarded to such champions as the late Alan Bond, so why would anyone want to be part of this cohort? Groucho Marx got it right when he famously quipped 'I don't care to belong to a club that accepts people like me as members.' Joe Weller, Mittagong
At high school there was a kid in my class named James Dick Peter Bernard Hoffburn Hohenzollern Holland Ledger. His name won the admiration of every classmate. But that can't compare to winning an AM in the birthday honours list, though, for Britta Sylvia Regli-Baronin Ungern-Sternberg von Purkel. Well done. Go girl. Peter O'Brien, Randwick
Birthday suits us
Brigitte McLaughlin expresses the hope that newly arrived Australian citizens will reject the idea of having a king and celebrating his birthday (' Let's stop this royal birthday farce ', June 9). I have taught English to newly arrived immigrants and refugees for many years, and found after living under despots, communists and other uncivil governments, most are very relieved and happy to be ruled by a benign monarch – and very pleased to have a rest from classes for a day, as am I. Heather Johnson, West Pennant Hills
Brigitte McLaughlin questions the relevance of celebrating the monarchy with a public holiday. Both the King's Birthday and the Australia Day public holidays are representative of a bygone Australia. As a proud multicultural sovereign nation, the significance of celebrating public holidays should reflect who we are and who we aspire to be. C'mon Albo, it's time to move forward. John Anderson, Macmasters Beach
A law unto himself
In response to the LA protests against deportations, Donald Trump's press secretary Karoline Leavitt said: 'The Trump administration has a zero tolerance policy for criminal behaviour and violence, especially when that violence is aimed at law enforcement officers trying to do their jobs' (' Marines on high alert after Trump sends National Guard to Los Angeles ', June 9). This clearly does not apply to those riotous invaders of The Capitol in support of Trump in 2021, who violently set upon police officers. These offenders were subsequently pardoned by Trump himself. What we are now witnessing in Los Angeles is a collapse of order beyond anything we've seen in (most of) our lifetimes. Gary Stowe, Springwood
On a quiet Monday holiday Australians watching coverage of the LA riots on Channel 9 were shocked to see a video of a national guardsman shooting a reporter in the leg while she was recording a news clip with a news anchor (' Nine reporter caught up in LA protests ', June 9). She was standing away from other people and was clearly a member of the press, yet the soldier deliberately took aim and fired – on air! Yes, it was a rubber bullet, but how has it come to this? Polite words fail me. This is deeply, I mean very deeply, disturbing footage, and will no doubt be watched widely. The collective outcry from 25 million Australians won't take long to cross the Pacific. Andrew Cohen, Glebe
It would be laughable if it weren't so serious that the current American president, a convicted felon himself, twice impeached as president and facing eight criminal charges, should be calling up the National Guard to put down legal protest in Los Angeles under the false assertion that such protest is illegal. It doesn't get crazier. Bill Young, Killcare Heights
A quick question to Truthful Donald if I may: 'Where were the National Guard and Marines on January 6, 2021 when your insurrectionists stormed and damaged the Capitol building? Usurping and ignoring court authority, using the military against your citizens, denying them due process – is it only fools who cannot see where this is going?' Bob Macfarlane, Mirrabooka
Gazans not to blame
A justification sometimes offered for Israel's destruction of Gaza is that residents of the Gaza Strip freely elected the terror group Hamas. However, a poll by Arab Barometer conducted just before October 7 found that, if there had been an election at that time, the Hamas candidate was likely to receive less than 25 per cent of the vote. Furthermore, Gaza's population is extremely young, so the majority of the population wasn't born or old enough to vote when Hamas came to power in 2006. After the murder of a young couple outside a Jewish museum in Washington, DC, as well as the horrific attack on Jews in Boulder, Colorado, Senator Chuck Schumer asserted 'Collective blame is traditionally one of the most nasty, dangerous forms of antisemitism.'
Collective punishment should also be condemned when it is inflicted upon Palestinians. Terry Hansen, Milwaukee (USA)
The Middle East conflict would be a simple one to resolve if only your headline 'Hamas alone has the power to bring Gaza lasting peace' were true (Letters, June 9). Lasting peace is the critical term and the current violence must be seen in a historical continuum. It must be remembered that Hamas was supported by a previous Netanyahu government to create disunity in the Palestinian liberation movement. History also shows that successive Israeli governments have made it clear they have no intention of allowing a Palestinian state. The Palestinians, just like the Israelis, need a partner who is genuine in their desire for a just and lasting resolution to this conflict, but the current Israeli policy aimed at demoralising and cowering the population into submission through constant bombing and controlled starvation is the opposite of what peacemaking looks like. The actions of Hamas have contributed to havoc in Gaza, but so have the actions of anonymous pilots who drop bombs on schools and hospitals. Blaming one side might suit the narrative of the absolutists, but it ignores historical realities. Alexander Lane, Thornleigh
Slow change
For the first time in a long time, Labor has a clear mandate to implement its policies of 'values-based capitalism', as Jim Chalmers likes to call it (' PM's vision not clear to the rest of us ', June 9). Sean Kelly is a little sceptical of Labor's reformist intentions being too small, but given the reticence of the Australian electorate to embrace change of any kind, remembering the 2019 defeat and the failure of the Voice referendum, it is understandable that Labor treads carefully. Albanese judged the public mood perfectly to achieve Labor's comprehensive demolition job in the election, so he is not likely to risk his political capital on revolutionary change despite the temptation. Labor aims to be the 'natural' government of Australia and that requires reformist stealth, rather than risky revolution. Max Redmayne, Drummoyne
Relief for the wealthy
The Coalition's financial spokesman James Paterson's opposition to extra tax on superannuation balances of more than $3 million clearly highlights old Liberal ideologies and goes some way in explaining the burgeoning disconnect they have with modern Australia, especially younger voters (' Coalition backs tax reform, with a catch ', June 9). Superannuation should not be used as a tax haven. That was not its intended purpose. There are, unfortunately, many other ways in which the wealthy can achieve tax minimisation. This new tax affects less than 1 per cent of Australians and will be used for budget repair and to fund government initiatives. What stands out with Paterson's party is that they implemented the horrific robo-debt policies attacking so many of the most vulnerable, despite overwhelming evidence of the need, and they refused to fully fund public schools, while refusing to implement policies and work with the states to address the crippling cost of housing. Paterson is right when he says there is a need for a discussion on broader tax reform, however opposing this change shows the Coalition is still determined to entrench wealth at the expense of the broader community. Craig Jory, Albury
NDIS rip-off
I write in response to your great editorial (' Ministers must make hard decisions on the NDIS ', June 9). It is the middle tiers of governance who are, unreasonably, blowing out the NDIS budget. As a participant, I required a physiotherapist assessment. I found one in my local area and booked an appointment. I had a thorough physical examination and received a full written assessment for $350. I was then instructed by my support co-ordinator to obtain another from the provider he gave. This home assessment was very quick and did not assess all my physical difficulties. The written report was incorrect, according to my GP, chiropractor and specialist, even though that second physio appointment and report cost more than $1200. Herein lies the rip-off – the profiteering that has encumbered the NDIS with outrageous costs. The government needs to look closely at these middle-merchants to reduce the unnecessary expenditure for the NDIS. Then the funds will be going to the correct recipients – the participants. Marina Solar, Leichhardt
A special lottery has been mentioned as a potential source of funds for the conservation of built heritage. Why not a major national lottery to support the NDIS at the same time that rational service provision is being assured? It's not as if it would be the first time. If memory serves, a lottery contribution sustained a progressive disability support system in Western Australia for years. We are a nation of gamblers. Let's put that characteristic to good use. Tom Mangan, Woy Woy Bay
Needless cruelty
When the chief veterinarian in the greyhound industry wrote to Racing NSW revealing the 'treatment of dogs is barbaric and the industry unsustainable', the government announced an inquiry (' Greyhound industry under fire ', June 9). This was followed immediately by Premier Minns saying whatever the outcome of the inquiry, greyhound racing would not be banned. This is an industry that has shown time and again it is not fit for purpose, both by its treatment of the dogs and the behaviour of the people who run it. It has already been banned once by the NSW government and is banned in most countries. It exists mainly for gambling, and it should be banned again for good. Janine Burdeu, Mona Vale
Make crime pay
The tech companies don't seem to care that the 'post and boast' videos on their platforms are fuelling a teenage crime wave (' The moment NSW's youth crime wave shocked top police officer ', June 9). Perhaps if they were fined for every such video posted it might prod their conscience. Money, they understand. Paul Doyle, Glenbrook
Driving change
It had been some time since I had driven to Sydney via the M1 motorway, and I was shocked this week to see the black diesel soot covering the face of the once beautiful honey-coloured Sydney sandstone on the large cuttings through the mountains. It made me wonder whether our lungs were also being coated in a similar manner by these exhaust pollutants. It's no wonder that many European cities have banned these vehicles due to their effects on the health of people, buildings and the environment. Roll on electric vehicles. George Aungle, Wyee Point
Stamp it out
In response to the article on engaging police to crackdown on the tobacco black market, I'm with the police (' Tobacco war call up angers police officers ', June 9). Yes, it's a crime and, properly resourced, they should deal it. However, we could start with simpler methods to curb these outlets by restricting the number of tobacco and vape shops disguised as 'convenience stores', particularly near schools. Locals in our area have been warned by the new awning sign that a tobacconist is getting ready to open not even 30 metres away from the local primary school. This will make four in our immediate vicinity. Perhaps the first step to acting against this nefarious teen-targeted industry is limiting the number of outlets. Second, restricting outlets within a two-kilometre radius of schools. I don't understand why the government isn't fighting this scourge with more force. And the worn down 'what can we do' attitude of locals is similarly disheartening. Georgie Greer, North Balgowlah
Pay to play
I agree that there's a lot of good in golf (' Golf influencers get the kids teeing off ', June 9) but at $30 and upwards for 18 holes, and golf club prices through the roof, it's hardly the working-class game I played at school. Jeff Apter, Keiraville
Training school
Maybe more dog owners should be watching Dogs Behaving Very Badly, in which the trainer frequently refers to the behaviour of the owner rather than the dog. Patricia Spooner, North Turramurra

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Average home prices hit $1m with more growth to come
Average home prices hit $1m with more growth to come

The Advertiser

time2 hours ago

  • The Advertiser

Average home prices hit $1m with more growth to come

Australia's property market continues to strengthen and gain momentum as the value of the average home soars past the $1 million mark for the first time. The national mean dwelling price reached $1,002,500 in the March quarter, a 0.7 per cent increase from the previous three months, according to Australian Bureau of Statistics figures released on Tuesday. Figures from the ABS show the total value of the nation's residential dwellings rose by $130.7 billion to a staggering $11.4 trillion. "We're certainly not going to see the massive increases that we saw during COVID, but we do think house prices will continue to increase, particularly as interest rates are predicted to fall further," she told AAP. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, speaking at the National Press Club on Tuesday, noted that regulation and red tape had made building and buying a home in Australia too hard. Mr Albanese said it was too complex and expensive to get a project off the ground, adding that Housing Minister Clare O'Neil had been tasked with reducing those barriers. "It is too hard and one of the areas is regulation," he told the National Press Club. He also backed a failed NSW project to redevelop Sydney's Rosehill Racecourse, describing the controversial proposal as "absolutely right". The proposal aimed to transform the 140-year-old track into a "mini-city" encompassing about 25,000 homes, but it was ultimately voted down by the racecourse owner's members. "That's the sort of thing that we're going to need to do. You can't deal with supply issues without having the courage to do things like that," Mr Albanese said. "(We) want to make sure that housing is fit for purpose and all of that but if we can cut through on some of the red tape, then that will reduce costs." According to the ABS, the increase in residential dwellings was fuelled by housing markets in Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia. While NSW remains Australia's most expensive property market with a median price of $1.25 million, Queensland is not far behind at $944,700. Though prices are rising, further interest rate cuts could slow the pace of increases compared to the same period last year. Data reveals the average price in the ACT went backwards, falling to $941,300, as the Northern Territory maintains the lowest mean price at $517,700. Eliza Owen, head of research at property analyst group Cotality, told AAP it was not a surprise the nation's property market continued to be pushed to record values. "(It comes) off the back of long-term constraint on housing supply, compounded by more recent factors like interest rate reductions, which increase access to finance," she said. Ms Owen noted the interest rate reduction earlier this year helped reinvigorate demand across the housing market on a fairly broad basis. While the average dwelling price has reached seven figures for the first time, Ms Owen said factors such as rate reductions had given markets like Sydney a "sugar hit", rather than triggering a large upswing like the robust growth seen in 2021. Australia's property market continues to strengthen and gain momentum as the value of the average home soars past the $1 million mark for the first time. The national mean dwelling price reached $1,002,500 in the March quarter, a 0.7 per cent increase from the previous three months, according to Australian Bureau of Statistics figures released on Tuesday. Figures from the ABS show the total value of the nation's residential dwellings rose by $130.7 billion to a staggering $11.4 trillion. "We're certainly not going to see the massive increases that we saw during COVID, but we do think house prices will continue to increase, particularly as interest rates are predicted to fall further," she told AAP. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, speaking at the National Press Club on Tuesday, noted that regulation and red tape had made building and buying a home in Australia too hard. Mr Albanese said it was too complex and expensive to get a project off the ground, adding that Housing Minister Clare O'Neil had been tasked with reducing those barriers. "It is too hard and one of the areas is regulation," he told the National Press Club. He also backed a failed NSW project to redevelop Sydney's Rosehill Racecourse, describing the controversial proposal as "absolutely right". The proposal aimed to transform the 140-year-old track into a "mini-city" encompassing about 25,000 homes, but it was ultimately voted down by the racecourse owner's members. "That's the sort of thing that we're going to need to do. You can't deal with supply issues without having the courage to do things like that," Mr Albanese said. "(We) want to make sure that housing is fit for purpose and all of that but if we can cut through on some of the red tape, then that will reduce costs." According to the ABS, the increase in residential dwellings was fuelled by housing markets in Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia. While NSW remains Australia's most expensive property market with a median price of $1.25 million, Queensland is not far behind at $944,700. Though prices are rising, further interest rate cuts could slow the pace of increases compared to the same period last year. Data reveals the average price in the ACT went backwards, falling to $941,300, as the Northern Territory maintains the lowest mean price at $517,700. Eliza Owen, head of research at property analyst group Cotality, told AAP it was not a surprise the nation's property market continued to be pushed to record values. "(It comes) off the back of long-term constraint on housing supply, compounded by more recent factors like interest rate reductions, which increase access to finance," she said. Ms Owen noted the interest rate reduction earlier this year helped reinvigorate demand across the housing market on a fairly broad basis. While the average dwelling price has reached seven figures for the first time, Ms Owen said factors such as rate reductions had given markets like Sydney a "sugar hit", rather than triggering a large upswing like the robust growth seen in 2021. Australia's property market continues to strengthen and gain momentum as the value of the average home soars past the $1 million mark for the first time. The national mean dwelling price reached $1,002,500 in the March quarter, a 0.7 per cent increase from the previous three months, according to Australian Bureau of Statistics figures released on Tuesday. Figures from the ABS show the total value of the nation's residential dwellings rose by $130.7 billion to a staggering $11.4 trillion. "We're certainly not going to see the massive increases that we saw during COVID, but we do think house prices will continue to increase, particularly as interest rates are predicted to fall further," she told AAP. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, speaking at the National Press Club on Tuesday, noted that regulation and red tape had made building and buying a home in Australia too hard. Mr Albanese said it was too complex and expensive to get a project off the ground, adding that Housing Minister Clare O'Neil had been tasked with reducing those barriers. "It is too hard and one of the areas is regulation," he told the National Press Club. He also backed a failed NSW project to redevelop Sydney's Rosehill Racecourse, describing the controversial proposal as "absolutely right". The proposal aimed to transform the 140-year-old track into a "mini-city" encompassing about 25,000 homes, but it was ultimately voted down by the racecourse owner's members. "That's the sort of thing that we're going to need to do. You can't deal with supply issues without having the courage to do things like that," Mr Albanese said. "(We) want to make sure that housing is fit for purpose and all of that but if we can cut through on some of the red tape, then that will reduce costs." According to the ABS, the increase in residential dwellings was fuelled by housing markets in Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia. While NSW remains Australia's most expensive property market with a median price of $1.25 million, Queensland is not far behind at $944,700. Though prices are rising, further interest rate cuts could slow the pace of increases compared to the same period last year. Data reveals the average price in the ACT went backwards, falling to $941,300, as the Northern Territory maintains the lowest mean price at $517,700. Eliza Owen, head of research at property analyst group Cotality, told AAP it was not a surprise the nation's property market continued to be pushed to record values. "(It comes) off the back of long-term constraint on housing supply, compounded by more recent factors like interest rate reductions, which increase access to finance," she said. Ms Owen noted the interest rate reduction earlier this year helped reinvigorate demand across the housing market on a fairly broad basis. While the average dwelling price has reached seven figures for the first time, Ms Owen said factors such as rate reductions had given markets like Sydney a "sugar hit", rather than triggering a large upswing like the robust growth seen in 2021. Australia's property market continues to strengthen and gain momentum as the value of the average home soars past the $1 million mark for the first time. The national mean dwelling price reached $1,002,500 in the March quarter, a 0.7 per cent increase from the previous three months, according to Australian Bureau of Statistics figures released on Tuesday. Figures from the ABS show the total value of the nation's residential dwellings rose by $130.7 billion to a staggering $11.4 trillion. "We're certainly not going to see the massive increases that we saw during COVID, but we do think house prices will continue to increase, particularly as interest rates are predicted to fall further," she told AAP. Prime Minister Anthony Albanese, speaking at the National Press Club on Tuesday, noted that regulation and red tape had made building and buying a home in Australia too hard. Mr Albanese said it was too complex and expensive to get a project off the ground, adding that Housing Minister Clare O'Neil had been tasked with reducing those barriers. "It is too hard and one of the areas is regulation," he told the National Press Club. He also backed a failed NSW project to redevelop Sydney's Rosehill Racecourse, describing the controversial proposal as "absolutely right". The proposal aimed to transform the 140-year-old track into a "mini-city" encompassing about 25,000 homes, but it was ultimately voted down by the racecourse owner's members. "That's the sort of thing that we're going to need to do. You can't deal with supply issues without having the courage to do things like that," Mr Albanese said. "(We) want to make sure that housing is fit for purpose and all of that but if we can cut through on some of the red tape, then that will reduce costs." According to the ABS, the increase in residential dwellings was fuelled by housing markets in Queensland, Western Australia and South Australia. While NSW remains Australia's most expensive property market with a median price of $1.25 million, Queensland is not far behind at $944,700. Though prices are rising, further interest rate cuts could slow the pace of increases compared to the same period last year. Data reveals the average price in the ACT went backwards, falling to $941,300, as the Northern Territory maintains the lowest mean price at $517,700. Eliza Owen, head of research at property analyst group Cotality, told AAP it was not a surprise the nation's property market continued to be pushed to record values. "(It comes) off the back of long-term constraint on housing supply, compounded by more recent factors like interest rate reductions, which increase access to finance," she said. Ms Owen noted the interest rate reduction earlier this year helped reinvigorate demand across the housing market on a fairly broad basis. While the average dwelling price has reached seven figures for the first time, Ms Owen said factors such as rate reductions had given markets like Sydney a "sugar hit", rather than triggering a large upswing like the robust growth seen in 2021.

Trump has long speculated about using force against his own people. Now he has the pretext to do so
Trump has long speculated about using force against his own people. Now he has the pretext to do so

The Advertiser

time2 hours ago

  • The Advertiser

Trump has long speculated about using force against his own people. Now he has the pretext to do so

"You just [expletive] shot the reporter!" Australian journalist Lauren Tomasi was in the middle of a live cross, covering the protests against the Trump administration's mass deportation policy in Los Angeles, California. As Tomasi spoke to the camera, microphone in hand, an LAPD officer in the background appeared to target her directly, hitting her in the leg with a rubber bullet. Earlier, reports emerged that British photojournalist Nick Stern was undergoing emergency surgery after also being hit by the same "non-lethal" ammunition. The situation in Los Angeles is extremely volatile. After nonviolent protests against raids and arrests by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents began in the suburb of Paramount, US President Donald Trump issued a memo describing them as "a form of rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States". He then deployed the National Guard. As much of the coverage has noted, this is not the first time the National Guard has been deployed to quell protests in the US. In 1970, members of the National Guard shot and killed four students protesting the war in Vietnam at Kent State University. In 1992, the National Guard was deployed during protests in Los Angeles following the acquittal of four police officers (three of whom were white) in the severe beating of a Black man, Rodney King. Trump has long speculated about violently deploying the National Guard and even the military against his own people. During his first administration, at the height of the Black Lives Matter protests, former Secretary of Defence Mark Esper alleged that Trump asked him, "Can't you just shoot them, just shoot them in the legs or something?" Trump has also long sought to other those opposed to his radical agenda to reshape the United States and its role in the world. He's classified them as "un-American" and, therefore, deserving of contempt and, when he deems it necessary, violent oppression. During last year's election campaign, he promised to "root out the communists, Marxists, fascists and the radical left thugs that live like vermin within the confines of our country". Even the Washington Post characterised this description of Trump's "political enemies" as "echoing Hitler, Mussolini". In addition, Trump has long peddled baseless conspiracies about "sanctuary cities", such as Los Angeles. He has characterised them as lawless havens for his political enemies and places that have been "invaded" by immigrants. As anyone who has ever visited these places knows, that is not true. It is no surprise that in the same places Trump characterises as "disgracing our country", there has been staunch opposition to his agenda and ideology. That opposition has coalesced in recent weeks around the activities of ICE agents, in particular. These agents, wearing masks to conceal their identities, have been arbitrarily detaining people, including US citizens and children, and disappearing people off the streets. They have also arrested caregivers, leaving children alone. As Adam Serwer wrote in The Atlantic during the first iteration of Trump in America, "the cruelty is the point". The Trump administration's mass deportation program is deliberately cruel and provocative. It was always only a matter of time before protests broke out. In a democracy, nonviolent protest by hundreds or perhaps a few thousand people in a city of 10 million is not a crisis. But it has always suited Trump and the movement that supports him to manufacture crises. White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, a key architect of the mass deportations program and a man described by a former adviser as "Waffen SS", called the protests "an insurrection against the laws and sovereignty of the United States". Trump himself also described protesters as "violent, insurrectionist mobs". Nowhere does the presidential memo deploying the National Guard name the specific location of the protests. This, and the extreme language coming out of the administration, suggests it is laying the groundwork for further escalation. The administration could be leaving space to deploy the National Guard in other places and invoke the Insurrection Act. Incidents involving the deployment of the National Guard are rare, though politically cataclysmic. It is rarer still for the National Guard to be deployed against the wishes of a democratically elected leader of a state, as Trump has done in California. This deployment comes at a time of crisis for US democracy more broadly. Trump's longstanding attacks against independent media - what he describes as "fake news" - are escalating. There is a reason that during the current protests, a law enforcement officer appeared so comfortable targeting a journalist, on camera. The Trump administration is also actively targeting independent institutions such as Harvard and Columbia universities. It is also targeting and undermining judges and reducing the power of independent courts to enforce the rule of law. Under Trump, the federal government and its state-based allies are targeting and undermining the rights of minority groups - policing the bodies of trans people, targeting reproductive rights, and beginning the process of undoing the Civil Rights Act. Trump is, for the moment, unconstrained. Asked overnight what the bar is for deploying the Marines against protesters, Trump responded: "the bar is what I think it is". As New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie recently observed:" We should treat Trump and his openly authoritarian administration as a failure, not just of our party system or our legal system, but of our Constitution and its ability to meaningfully constrain a destructive and system-threatening force in our political life." While the situation in Los Angeles is unpredictable, it must be understood in the broader context of the active, violent threat the Trump administration poses to the US. As we watch, American democracy teeters on the brink. This article was updated on June 9, 2025 to correct information about Rodney King. "You just [expletive] shot the reporter!" Australian journalist Lauren Tomasi was in the middle of a live cross, covering the protests against the Trump administration's mass deportation policy in Los Angeles, California. As Tomasi spoke to the camera, microphone in hand, an LAPD officer in the background appeared to target her directly, hitting her in the leg with a rubber bullet. Earlier, reports emerged that British photojournalist Nick Stern was undergoing emergency surgery after also being hit by the same "non-lethal" ammunition. The situation in Los Angeles is extremely volatile. After nonviolent protests against raids and arrests by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents began in the suburb of Paramount, US President Donald Trump issued a memo describing them as "a form of rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States". He then deployed the National Guard. As much of the coverage has noted, this is not the first time the National Guard has been deployed to quell protests in the US. In 1970, members of the National Guard shot and killed four students protesting the war in Vietnam at Kent State University. In 1992, the National Guard was deployed during protests in Los Angeles following the acquittal of four police officers (three of whom were white) in the severe beating of a Black man, Rodney King. Trump has long speculated about violently deploying the National Guard and even the military against his own people. During his first administration, at the height of the Black Lives Matter protests, former Secretary of Defence Mark Esper alleged that Trump asked him, "Can't you just shoot them, just shoot them in the legs or something?" Trump has also long sought to other those opposed to his radical agenda to reshape the United States and its role in the world. He's classified them as "un-American" and, therefore, deserving of contempt and, when he deems it necessary, violent oppression. During last year's election campaign, he promised to "root out the communists, Marxists, fascists and the radical left thugs that live like vermin within the confines of our country". Even the Washington Post characterised this description of Trump's "political enemies" as "echoing Hitler, Mussolini". In addition, Trump has long peddled baseless conspiracies about "sanctuary cities", such as Los Angeles. He has characterised them as lawless havens for his political enemies and places that have been "invaded" by immigrants. As anyone who has ever visited these places knows, that is not true. It is no surprise that in the same places Trump characterises as "disgracing our country", there has been staunch opposition to his agenda and ideology. That opposition has coalesced in recent weeks around the activities of ICE agents, in particular. These agents, wearing masks to conceal their identities, have been arbitrarily detaining people, including US citizens and children, and disappearing people off the streets. They have also arrested caregivers, leaving children alone. As Adam Serwer wrote in The Atlantic during the first iteration of Trump in America, "the cruelty is the point". The Trump administration's mass deportation program is deliberately cruel and provocative. It was always only a matter of time before protests broke out. In a democracy, nonviolent protest by hundreds or perhaps a few thousand people in a city of 10 million is not a crisis. But it has always suited Trump and the movement that supports him to manufacture crises. White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, a key architect of the mass deportations program and a man described by a former adviser as "Waffen SS", called the protests "an insurrection against the laws and sovereignty of the United States". Trump himself also described protesters as "violent, insurrectionist mobs". Nowhere does the presidential memo deploying the National Guard name the specific location of the protests. This, and the extreme language coming out of the administration, suggests it is laying the groundwork for further escalation. The administration could be leaving space to deploy the National Guard in other places and invoke the Insurrection Act. Incidents involving the deployment of the National Guard are rare, though politically cataclysmic. It is rarer still for the National Guard to be deployed against the wishes of a democratically elected leader of a state, as Trump has done in California. This deployment comes at a time of crisis for US democracy more broadly. Trump's longstanding attacks against independent media - what he describes as "fake news" - are escalating. There is a reason that during the current protests, a law enforcement officer appeared so comfortable targeting a journalist, on camera. The Trump administration is also actively targeting independent institutions such as Harvard and Columbia universities. It is also targeting and undermining judges and reducing the power of independent courts to enforce the rule of law. Under Trump, the federal government and its state-based allies are targeting and undermining the rights of minority groups - policing the bodies of trans people, targeting reproductive rights, and beginning the process of undoing the Civil Rights Act. Trump is, for the moment, unconstrained. Asked overnight what the bar is for deploying the Marines against protesters, Trump responded: "the bar is what I think it is". As New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie recently observed:" We should treat Trump and his openly authoritarian administration as a failure, not just of our party system or our legal system, but of our Constitution and its ability to meaningfully constrain a destructive and system-threatening force in our political life." While the situation in Los Angeles is unpredictable, it must be understood in the broader context of the active, violent threat the Trump administration poses to the US. As we watch, American democracy teeters on the brink. This article was updated on June 9, 2025 to correct information about Rodney King. "You just [expletive] shot the reporter!" Australian journalist Lauren Tomasi was in the middle of a live cross, covering the protests against the Trump administration's mass deportation policy in Los Angeles, California. As Tomasi spoke to the camera, microphone in hand, an LAPD officer in the background appeared to target her directly, hitting her in the leg with a rubber bullet. Earlier, reports emerged that British photojournalist Nick Stern was undergoing emergency surgery after also being hit by the same "non-lethal" ammunition. The situation in Los Angeles is extremely volatile. After nonviolent protests against raids and arrests by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents began in the suburb of Paramount, US President Donald Trump issued a memo describing them as "a form of rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States". He then deployed the National Guard. As much of the coverage has noted, this is not the first time the National Guard has been deployed to quell protests in the US. In 1970, members of the National Guard shot and killed four students protesting the war in Vietnam at Kent State University. In 1992, the National Guard was deployed during protests in Los Angeles following the acquittal of four police officers (three of whom were white) in the severe beating of a Black man, Rodney King. Trump has long speculated about violently deploying the National Guard and even the military against his own people. During his first administration, at the height of the Black Lives Matter protests, former Secretary of Defence Mark Esper alleged that Trump asked him, "Can't you just shoot them, just shoot them in the legs or something?" Trump has also long sought to other those opposed to his radical agenda to reshape the United States and its role in the world. He's classified them as "un-American" and, therefore, deserving of contempt and, when he deems it necessary, violent oppression. During last year's election campaign, he promised to "root out the communists, Marxists, fascists and the radical left thugs that live like vermin within the confines of our country". Even the Washington Post characterised this description of Trump's "political enemies" as "echoing Hitler, Mussolini". In addition, Trump has long peddled baseless conspiracies about "sanctuary cities", such as Los Angeles. He has characterised them as lawless havens for his political enemies and places that have been "invaded" by immigrants. As anyone who has ever visited these places knows, that is not true. It is no surprise that in the same places Trump characterises as "disgracing our country", there has been staunch opposition to his agenda and ideology. That opposition has coalesced in recent weeks around the activities of ICE agents, in particular. These agents, wearing masks to conceal their identities, have been arbitrarily detaining people, including US citizens and children, and disappearing people off the streets. They have also arrested caregivers, leaving children alone. As Adam Serwer wrote in The Atlantic during the first iteration of Trump in America, "the cruelty is the point". The Trump administration's mass deportation program is deliberately cruel and provocative. It was always only a matter of time before protests broke out. In a democracy, nonviolent protest by hundreds or perhaps a few thousand people in a city of 10 million is not a crisis. But it has always suited Trump and the movement that supports him to manufacture crises. White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, a key architect of the mass deportations program and a man described by a former adviser as "Waffen SS", called the protests "an insurrection against the laws and sovereignty of the United States". Trump himself also described protesters as "violent, insurrectionist mobs". Nowhere does the presidential memo deploying the National Guard name the specific location of the protests. This, and the extreme language coming out of the administration, suggests it is laying the groundwork for further escalation. The administration could be leaving space to deploy the National Guard in other places and invoke the Insurrection Act. Incidents involving the deployment of the National Guard are rare, though politically cataclysmic. It is rarer still for the National Guard to be deployed against the wishes of a democratically elected leader of a state, as Trump has done in California. This deployment comes at a time of crisis for US democracy more broadly. Trump's longstanding attacks against independent media - what he describes as "fake news" - are escalating. There is a reason that during the current protests, a law enforcement officer appeared so comfortable targeting a journalist, on camera. The Trump administration is also actively targeting independent institutions such as Harvard and Columbia universities. It is also targeting and undermining judges and reducing the power of independent courts to enforce the rule of law. Under Trump, the federal government and its state-based allies are targeting and undermining the rights of minority groups - policing the bodies of trans people, targeting reproductive rights, and beginning the process of undoing the Civil Rights Act. Trump is, for the moment, unconstrained. Asked overnight what the bar is for deploying the Marines against protesters, Trump responded: "the bar is what I think it is". As New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie recently observed:" We should treat Trump and his openly authoritarian administration as a failure, not just of our party system or our legal system, but of our Constitution and its ability to meaningfully constrain a destructive and system-threatening force in our political life." While the situation in Los Angeles is unpredictable, it must be understood in the broader context of the active, violent threat the Trump administration poses to the US. As we watch, American democracy teeters on the brink. This article was updated on June 9, 2025 to correct information about Rodney King. "You just [expletive] shot the reporter!" Australian journalist Lauren Tomasi was in the middle of a live cross, covering the protests against the Trump administration's mass deportation policy in Los Angeles, California. As Tomasi spoke to the camera, microphone in hand, an LAPD officer in the background appeared to target her directly, hitting her in the leg with a rubber bullet. Earlier, reports emerged that British photojournalist Nick Stern was undergoing emergency surgery after also being hit by the same "non-lethal" ammunition. The situation in Los Angeles is extremely volatile. After nonviolent protests against raids and arrests by Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents began in the suburb of Paramount, US President Donald Trump issued a memo describing them as "a form of rebellion against the authority of the government of the United States". He then deployed the National Guard. As much of the coverage has noted, this is not the first time the National Guard has been deployed to quell protests in the US. In 1970, members of the National Guard shot and killed four students protesting the war in Vietnam at Kent State University. In 1992, the National Guard was deployed during protests in Los Angeles following the acquittal of four police officers (three of whom were white) in the severe beating of a Black man, Rodney King. Trump has long speculated about violently deploying the National Guard and even the military against his own people. During his first administration, at the height of the Black Lives Matter protests, former Secretary of Defence Mark Esper alleged that Trump asked him, "Can't you just shoot them, just shoot them in the legs or something?" Trump has also long sought to other those opposed to his radical agenda to reshape the United States and its role in the world. He's classified them as "un-American" and, therefore, deserving of contempt and, when he deems it necessary, violent oppression. During last year's election campaign, he promised to "root out the communists, Marxists, fascists and the radical left thugs that live like vermin within the confines of our country". Even the Washington Post characterised this description of Trump's "political enemies" as "echoing Hitler, Mussolini". In addition, Trump has long peddled baseless conspiracies about "sanctuary cities", such as Los Angeles. He has characterised them as lawless havens for his political enemies and places that have been "invaded" by immigrants. As anyone who has ever visited these places knows, that is not true. It is no surprise that in the same places Trump characterises as "disgracing our country", there has been staunch opposition to his agenda and ideology. That opposition has coalesced in recent weeks around the activities of ICE agents, in particular. These agents, wearing masks to conceal their identities, have been arbitrarily detaining people, including US citizens and children, and disappearing people off the streets. They have also arrested caregivers, leaving children alone. As Adam Serwer wrote in The Atlantic during the first iteration of Trump in America, "the cruelty is the point". The Trump administration's mass deportation program is deliberately cruel and provocative. It was always only a matter of time before protests broke out. In a democracy, nonviolent protest by hundreds or perhaps a few thousand people in a city of 10 million is not a crisis. But it has always suited Trump and the movement that supports him to manufacture crises. White House Deputy Chief of Staff Stephen Miller, a key architect of the mass deportations program and a man described by a former adviser as "Waffen SS", called the protests "an insurrection against the laws and sovereignty of the United States". Trump himself also described protesters as "violent, insurrectionist mobs". Nowhere does the presidential memo deploying the National Guard name the specific location of the protests. This, and the extreme language coming out of the administration, suggests it is laying the groundwork for further escalation. The administration could be leaving space to deploy the National Guard in other places and invoke the Insurrection Act. Incidents involving the deployment of the National Guard are rare, though politically cataclysmic. It is rarer still for the National Guard to be deployed against the wishes of a democratically elected leader of a state, as Trump has done in California. This deployment comes at a time of crisis for US democracy more broadly. Trump's longstanding attacks against independent media - what he describes as "fake news" - are escalating. There is a reason that during the current protests, a law enforcement officer appeared so comfortable targeting a journalist, on camera. The Trump administration is also actively targeting independent institutions such as Harvard and Columbia universities. It is also targeting and undermining judges and reducing the power of independent courts to enforce the rule of law. Under Trump, the federal government and its state-based allies are targeting and undermining the rights of minority groups - policing the bodies of trans people, targeting reproductive rights, and beginning the process of undoing the Civil Rights Act. Trump is, for the moment, unconstrained. Asked overnight what the bar is for deploying the Marines against protesters, Trump responded: "the bar is what I think it is". As New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie recently observed:" We should treat Trump and his openly authoritarian administration as a failure, not just of our party system or our legal system, but of our Constitution and its ability to meaningfully constrain a destructive and system-threatening force in our political life." While the situation in Los Angeles is unpredictable, it must be understood in the broader context of the active, violent threat the Trump administration poses to the US. As we watch, American democracy teeters on the brink. This article was updated on June 9, 2025 to correct information about Rodney King.

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