
Nearly 60 cases dismissed due to corruption in Alabama police department
The grand jury determined that 58 felony criminal cases had been tainted by corruption in the Hanceville Police Department in northern Alabama, after four officers and the police chief were indicted on a variety of charges related to mishandling or removing evidence from the department's evidence room.
The indictment included a recommendation that the department be 'immediately abolished.'
The case roiled the town of approximately 3,200 people about 45 miles (70 kilometers) north of Birmingham.
Cullman County District Attorney Champ Crocker said that even one compromised case 'is too many' but that "the Grand Jury had no other recourse,' in a statement on Wednesday night. He added that most of the cases were drug-related and only a few were personal crimes with victims.
The 58 tossed cases were selected based on an audit conducted by the Alabama State Bureau of Investigations.
The audit found that nearly 40% of all 650 evidence bags and almost a third of all firearms weren't documented before being stored in the evidence room. There was also a wide array of evidence that appeared to be missing, including firearms, cash and illicit drugs.
Hanceville Mayor Jimmy Sawyer placed the whole department on leave in February, and then following weeks of polarized debate, announced in March that the department would be disbanded and rebuilt from scratch.
A spokesperson for Hanceville's municipal government did not immediately respond to an emailed request for comment on Thursday afternoon. ___
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Reuters
4 minutes ago
- Reuters
Ex-public defender loses appeal in sexual harassment case against US judiciary
Aug 15 (Reuters) - A federal appeals court on Friday rejected a bid by a former public defender in North Carolina to overturn her trial loss in a lawsuit alleging U.S. federal judiciary officials mishandled a sexual harassment complaint she lodged against her supervisor. A three-judge panel of the Richmond, Virginia-based 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld, opens new tab a trial judge's ruling last year that Caryn Strickland failed to establish that her rights under the U.S. Constitution to equal protection under the law and due process were violated. Because all of the 4th Circuit's judges were recused from hearing her case, it was assigned to three judges from other federal appeals courts including U.S. Circuit Judge Ronald Lee Gilman of the 6th Circuit, who wrote Friday's opinion. He acknowledged that judiciary employees "behaved imperfectly" and made "missteps" as her complaint wound through the court's so-called employment dispute resolution (EDR) process, through which misconduct complaints are routed. But he said the process was not so fundamentally unfair that it violated Strickland's due-process rights. Gilman said Strickland "does not explain how these failures would have deprived her of a fair fight" had she moved forward with her complaint. "Strickland does not explain persuasively why those remedies were insufficient to vindicate her substantive right under the EDR Plan to be free of sexual harassment and discrimination," Gilman wrote. Strickland, who represented herself on appeal, did not respond to a request for comment. Her case had been the subject of a rare trial that focused on how the judiciary handles complaints of workplace misconduct by its 30,000 employees, who unlike other workers nationally are not covered by statutes protecting them against discrimination. Strickland was among a group of female former judiciary employees who testified to Congress in 2022 in support of legislation to give judicial employees greater rights, a proposal Democratic lawmakers continue to pursue while calling for the judiciary to do more to deter workplace misconduct. She had worked from 2017 to 2019 in the Western District of North Carolina in the Federal Public Defender's Office, which provides lawyers for indigent defendants and is part of the federal judiciary. Strickland sued in 2020, alleging her rights were violated through the mishandling of her complaint about her direct supervisor. She cited a May 18, 2018, "quid pro quo" email he sent after they had drinks offering to help her career, saying he had a "plan" to help her raise her pay, adding "just remember I deal in pay-for-stay :)." Strickland alleged the then-top federal defender in her district responded to her complaint with deliberate indifference and that officials botched the handling of a complaint she pursued through the EDR system managed by the 4th Circuit. U.S. District Judge William Young in August 2024 ruled against her following a non-jury trial, saying her due process and equal protection rights under the U.S. Constitution's Fifth Amendment were not violated. Even as he ruled against her, Young, a Boston-based judge who heard the North Carolina case due to local conflicts, joined the calls to reform the system, saying if "judges are serious about sexual harassment, we must own the process." The case is Strickland v. United States, 4th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, No. 24-2056. For Strickland: Caryn Strickland For the government: Kevin Soter of the U.S. Department of Justice Read more: Ex-public defender loses sexual harassment case against US judiciary Sexual harassment trial against US judiciary comes to close US judiciary faces sexual harassment claims at trial Settlement talks collapse in sexual harassment case against US judiciary Sexual harassment case against US judiciary heads to mediation Judge urges settlement ahead of US judiciary sexual harassment trial Chief U.S. appeals court judge to be questioned in harassment case Ex-judiciary employees describe harassment, discrimination to U.S. House panel


The Guardian
17 minutes ago
- The Guardian
Trump's DC crackdown will do little to prevent crime, advocates say: ‘That's not what creates safety'
Donald Trump's hyperbolic portrayal of crime in major American cities, and his deployment of the national guard in Washington DC ostensibly in an effort to combat it, have reignited a decades-old debate about crime, violence and which policies and approaches can address it. The US president has cited cities such as Oakland, Philadelphia and Chicago as examples of places overwhelmed by crime and violence. He has put forward an increased militarization of law enforcement, and more money and legal protections for police, as the most effective ways to address homicides and other violent crime. But to violence prevention workers, the recent statements appeared made not out of care and concern for the lower-income Black and Latino victims who bear an outsized share of the nation's crimes, but to undermine and dismiss the progress community groups have made. And, the advocates argue, the administration's emphasis on law enforcement and prosecution as the sole ways to stop crime will do little to stop the cycles of violence and property crime that these groups have faced through Republican and Democratic administrations alike. 'The police are about response. But that's not what creates safety,' said Aqeela Sherrills, a longtime community violence intervention leader in Los Angeles. 'A lot of our urban communities have been war zones because they lack investment in infrastructure and programming. It's really disheartening to hear the president of the United States put out misinformation.' Sherrills began his career in violence prevention in Watts in the early 90s. Since then he's been a leading force in several organisations that work intensely with the small portion of a city's population responsible for the most violence in an effort to prevent crime and support victims of crime. Throughout his tenure, he said, he had seen the biggest successes in violence reduction come through training local non-profits, community leaders and officials on different violence community prevention models and then allowing them to build bespoke strategies from there. Over the decades, various models have seen major successes. Some deploy violence prevention workers to middle and high schools. In other programs, they use probation officers as a conduit to connect with young adults who are carrying and using firearms illegally. Some programs send workers to hospitals after a shooting, in an effort to prevent retaliatory violence. Some models rely on a police-community partnership, others don't involve police at all. But most programs center on connecting with mostly young men and teenage boys whose conflicts spill out on to city streets, traumatizing entire neighborhoods. This method has shown promise, research shows, In 2024 the Brooklyn community of Baltimore went a year without homicides after deploying a program called Safe Streets. And cities such as Oakland, Seattle and Philadelphia, where city leaders have invested in similar gun violence reduction programs, have seen drops in homicides when the programs were thriving, according to the Major Cities Chiefs Association's violent crime survey. And while the reasons for the ebb and flow of homicides can't be reduced to one program or strategy, those working to build these programs up have been fighting for credit and acknowledgment. During the Biden administration, they got it. Their approaches finally found federal support with the creation of an office of gun violence prevention and federal dollars for community prevention groups working on the ground. In past years, programs have expanded across the US as more municipalities build their own offices of violence prevention. But these insights don't appear to inform the Trump administration's approach, Sherrills adds. 'He's not reading the data, he's not looking at the trends and reports, it's just more kneejerk reactions,' he said. 'It's shortsighted because they're only speaking about one aspect of our criminal legal system.' This most recent crime debate comes nearly four months after the Trump administration cut nearly $170m in grants from gun violence prevention organizations, including several groups founded and co-founded by Sherrills who have had to lay off several staff members, dealing a serious blow to critical summertime programming. For small, upstart organizations this loss of funds puts their work in jeopardy, said Fredrick Womack, whose organization, Operation Good, lost 20% of its budget due to the April cuts. Womack says he was dismayed to hear the list of cities that Trump singled out, because they are all cities with Black leaders who have invested in community violence intervention. The calls for increased police and potential military presences, he says, shows a disconnect between the halls of power and the needs of the people most affected by violent crime. 'How is the military going to provide support for victims when they need someone who's going to be compassionate to what they're going through?' He asked. 'I know people want justice, but they also need support. They need healing and counseling. 'They won't go into the projects and ask the people how life is going for you. But they'll look at someone who lives in the hills who heard a gunshot two miles away last week and say: 'We have a crime problem,'' he continued. Womack founded Operation Good in 2013, and since then he and his small staff and gaggle of volunteers have worked with the teenagers and young men responsible for most of the city's violence and given them odd jobs and taken them to civil rights museums so they can understand where they come from and gain a sense of community. Womack's work has made a difference: in the years since the pandemic – which saw nationwide surges of gun violence – the homicide rate started to tick down, a change city officials have attributed in part to the work of community-based groups including Operation Good, and their collaboration with the police. Community leaders also argue that not only will Trump's approach be less effective, it's not aimed at helping the people most affected by violence. During a 12 August press conference, Jeanine Pirro, the former Fox News host who was recently appointed the US attorney for DC, argued that Trump's rhetoric about crime and his administration's approach to violence in DC were done in the name of victims. Flanked by posters of mostly Black teenagers and children killed by gun violence, Pirro argued that policies including DC's Youth Rehabilitation Act have only emboldened perpetrators. 'I guarantee you that every one of these individuals was shot and killed by someone who felt they were never gonna be caught,' Pirro told reporters. And when reporters asked about addressing the root causes of crime and violence and the recent cuts to community-based programs, Pirro argued that her focus is on being punitive, not preventive. For Leia Schenk, a Sacramento-based victim and violence prevention advocate, these sorts of sentiments, while common among conservatives, miss the point. 'It's tone-deaf and an oxymoron. The root causes are why we have victims,' Schenk said. 'In my experience [crime and violence] come from systemic oppression. Meaning if a family can't feed their kids, they're gonna steal, rob or commit some sort of fraud to just live and survive.' Schenk has been working in the community advocacy space for more than three decades and in that time has seen the most successful approaches to youth crime, shootings and other forms of violence happen when schools districts, local mental and physical healthcare systems get a level of investment that matches the scale of the problem. 'We're seeing the most success when we are supported – from schools to law enforcement to churches – their support allows us to do what we're doing on a bigger scale.' Despite the comments and moves from the Trump administration, Sherrills says the field of violence prevention will continue to thrive thanks to a strong foundation that was fortified in recent years due to federal support and increased support from philanthropic groups. 'We know that we're in challenging times but it's about doubling down on success and making sure we preserve the wins,' he said. 'We're going to continue to see violence trend down because of the work practitioners are doing in the field. Folks are tired of the killing and the dying and are looking for alternative ways to create better ways of navigating a conflict so that it doesn't lead to violence.'


The Sun
33 minutes ago
- The Sun
I was homeless & pregnant when a woman offered me free essentials – instead she sliced me open in plot to steal my baby
TEKA Adams thought she finally had her life on track after spending years on the streets, but the biggest shock was still to come. When she accepted the offer of some free essentials from a stranger, little did she know she would be left fighting for her and her baby's life. 5 5 5 Teka, 29, was staying in a homeless shelter in Maryland, USA, in December 2009 when the attack happened. "I was living a very rough life, I was very rebellious, I didn't want to abide by anybody's rules," she says. But after meeting her partner, getting pregnant and marrying him, she was determined to make something of her life. Teka was around seven months pregnant when she started receiving calls from an unknown number. The woman on the other end went by Stephanie, and Teka said she sounded 'really nice.' "She told me that she worked for a programme that helped out pregnant women in need," she explained to I Survived. Stephanie told Teka they had piles of baby clothes, car seats and other items that she could stop by and pick out what she needed. While Teka was thrilled by the opportunity, her husband, PJ, had his doubts. But it was too good an opportunity to miss out on, so Teka arranged to meet Stephanie outside the shelter. They ended up driving over to Stephanie's, where Teka sat on the couch while the women talked. All of a sudden, Stephanie threw a weighted blanket over Teka and began beating her on the head. "After she hit me about ten times, I jumped up and I threw my hands up and all I could see was blood. "The only thing that runs through your mind is 'I've got to go.'" So Teka did just that and made a beeline for the front door to get away. Little did she know that Stephanie had three locks on the door, and all of them were shut. She quickly caught up with Teka, jumped on her back and the pair wrestled as Stephanie tried to choke her. Next, she pulled out a metal fire poker and began to beat Teka with it, leaving her unable to move and passed out. When she awoke, she was being dragged by her ankles to the kitchen. "All of a sudden, she knelt to the side of me, and I felt this sharp pain go up my side," Teka recalls. CUT OPEN Looking over, Teka saw Stephanie was using a box cutter to slice her stomach open. The room was soon covered in blood, which Stephanie cleared up with towels, before moving Teka to the bedroom, where she placed her on a mattress on the floor, turning her mobile off so she couldn't call for help. Teka reminded Stephanie that people would be looking for her, namely her husband, but she couldn't be stopped. Instead she got a metal bowl from the kitchen and filled it with ice and a rag, before duct-taping Teka's face and wrists. I've already cut the water sack, so now all I've got to do is reach in and get the baby out. Stephanie With towels, two box cutters, scissors and a knife as her tools, she continued to cut open Teka's stomach. "She started at the bottom, right above my pelvis," she said. "I could feel every single bit of that." Teka was already weak from the beating and now was losing so much blood that she couldn't move or fight back. Instead she watched in horror as Stephanie began nipping at her skin, prying it open. "I've already cut the water sack, so now all I've got to do is reach in and get the baby out," she told Teka, helpless on the floor. "Do you want me to do that right now? Or do you want to go to sleep?" she chillingly asked Teka who responded saying she just wanted a break. Teka eventually passed out, and when she woke up she noticed Stephanie was asleep on the floor. 5 5 QUICK ESCAPE She saw it as her chance to break free and rolled off the mattress onto her hands and knees, before slowly crawling past Stephanie to the bedroom door. As she got to her feet, her entire stomach fell out of her body. "Now I'm holding my stomach like it's a football, and I'm trying not to breathe heavy because every step is pain," she adds. But determined to survive, Teka managed to get to the front door and unlock it. Now standing in an apartment block, she began screaming for help and banging on doors, but nobody came to her rescue. Hearing the commotion, Stephanie emerged and tried to pull her back into her flat, covering her mouth as she did so. I lifted up the shirt and when he saw what was under there, that I couldn't see, he was like 'Oh, I'm calling the cops.' Teka Adams But finally a neighbour came out, and as Stephanie tried to tell him nothing was wrong, Teka pulled up her shirt to reveal the truth. Still remembers he instantly said "oh I'm calling the cops." While Stephanie fled, the emergency services were soon on the scene. They were stunned to see Teka was not just alive, but still able to speak after looking at her injuries. She was rushed for emergency surgery and the first thing she asked was what happened to her child. Thankfully, the baby was alive and unharmed, and Teka decided to call her Miracle. Teka's attacker, whose real name was Veronica Deramous, handed herself into police later that day and was sentenced to 25 years in prison. "I survived because I was coming to a point in my life where I started to love myself, respect myself and cherish life," Teka said. Teka went on to find her own apartment after having Miracle, and told her story to I Survive earlier this summer. Where to seek grief support Need professional help with grief? Child Bereavement UK Cruse Bereavement Relate The Good Grief Trust You can also always speak to your GP if you're struggling. You're Not Alone Check out these books, podcasts and apps that all expertly navigate grief… Griefcast: Cariad Lloyd interviews comedians on this award-winning podcast. The Madness Of Grief by Rev Richard Coles (£9.99, W&N): The Strictly fave writes movingly on losing his husband David to alcoholism. Terrible, Thanks For Asking: Podcast host Nora McInerny encourages non-celebs to share how they're really feeling. Good Mourning by Sally Douglas and Imogen Carn (£14.99, Murdoch Books): A guide for people who've suffered sudden loss, like the authors who both lost their mums. Grief Works: Download this for daily meditations and expert tips. How To Grieve Like A Champ by Lianna Champ (£3.99, Red Door Press): A book for improving your relationship with death.