Veteran journalist Channaiah Itnalmath dead
He is survived by his mother, wife and son Abhinav Itnalmath, a student of medicine.
A bilingual journalist, Mr. Itnalmath had worked for decades in Kannada and English newspapers. Before joining the newsroom, he had worked for Vimochana Sansthe, founded by B.L. Patil, for the rehabilitation of Devadasis and the education of their children. He was involved in running a school for the children of Devadasis in Athani and a clinic in Saundatti.
Mr. Itnalmath was respected for his in-depth understanding of various social and political issues.
He led several campaigns through his reports. They included comprehensive irrigation of the drier regions of Belagavi district like Athani, Nippani and Ramdurg, and creation of a new Athani district. His stories also gave voice to the woes of Kannada speaking communities in neighbouring Jath in Maharashtra.
KLE society chairman Prabhakar Kore offered his condolences. Mr. Itnalmath was known for his dedication to truth and impactful reporting over a career. His analytical stories and sharp political commentary left a lasting impression on the readers. His journalistic contributions played a significant role in highlighting local issues and influencing public discourse in the region, Mr. Kore said.
Mahantesh Kavatagimath, former MLC and KLE society director, said that Mr. Itnalmath had been a relentless campaigner for the cause of northern Karnataka. 'He would follow up on development issues long after others had forgotten them. His articles provided content for legislators who spoke in the winter session of the legislature,' he said.
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First Post
2 hours ago
- First Post
Nearly 90% of Israeli war crime investigations closed or unresolved
Nearly nine out of 10 Israeli military investigations into alleged war crimes or abuses by its soldiers in Gaza since the war began have been closed without findings of wrongdoing or remain unresolved, a conflict monitoring group said read more Nearly nine out of 10 Israeli military investigations into alleged war crimes or abuses by its soldiers in Gaza since the war began have been closed without findings of wrongdoing or remain unresolved, a conflict monitoring group said. Action on Armed Violence (AOAV) said unresolved cases include a February 2024 incident in which at least 112 Palestinians were killed while queueing for flour in Gaza City, a May 2024 airstrike that killed 45 people at a tent camp in Rafah, and the June 1 killing of 31 Palestinians as they went to collect food in Rafah. Witnesses said Israeli forces opened fire in the June incident. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) initially called reports 'false,' but later told The Guardian the matter was 'still under review.' STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD AOAV's Iain Overton and Lucas Tsantzouris said the figures showed Israel was creating a 'pattern of impunity' by failing to conclude investigations or find wrongdoing in most cases involving serious allegations. The IDF said it investigates 'exceptional incidents' during operations when there is suspected legal violations, following Israeli and international law. The military said it uses both criminal investigations by the military advocate general's police department and fact-finding assessments (FFA) by a separate general staff team. AOAV said it found reports of 52 cases in English-language media between October 2023 and June 2025 where the Israeli military said it had conducted or would conduct investigations after allegations of civilian harm in Gaza or the West Bank. Those cases involved the deaths of 1,303 Palestinians and injuries to 1,880. One investigation led to a conviction. A reservist was sentenced to seven months in prison in February for aggravated abuse of Palestinian detainees at the Sde Teiman detention centre. Five other cases resulted in disciplinary action, including the April 2024 dismissal of an IDF colonel and a major after an airstrike killed seven World Central Kitchen aid workers. AOAV said 46 other cases, or 88 per cent of the total, were either closed with no findings or remain unresolved. Seven were closed without fault, while 39 are still under review or have no reported outcome. The IDF said 'any report … complaint or allegation that suggests misconduct by IDF forces undergoes an initial examination process.' Depending on evidence, cases may be referred for criminal investigation or an FFA review to determine if criminal misconduct is suspected. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Critics, including the Israeli human rights group Yesh Din, say the FFA process can take years. After 664 inquiries into previous Gaza operations in 2014, 2018-19 and 2021, there was one known prosecution, the group said. In August 2024, the IDF said the FFA had collected information on 'hundreds of incidents' from the Gaza war, and the military advocate general's office had opened 74 criminal investigations. Of those, 52 related to detainee deaths and mistreatment, 13 to stealing enemy ammunition, three to destruction of civilian property, and six to alleged illegal use of force. AOAV's figures differ from IDF statistics because the group counted incidents where media reported an investigation was conducted, covering both Gaza and the West Bank. The IDF said 'dozens of military police investigations have been opened' and that most remain ongoing. The FFA has 'completed its review in dozens of cases,' which have been sent to the military advocate general for possible criminal investigation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD
Time of India
2 hours ago
- Time of India
Boy king who wanted best of the West for Kolhapur
KOLHAPUR: Had he lived a full life, Rajaram II of Kolhapur would have transformed his princely state. His journey to Europe, the first by a Hindu monarch, filled his mind with new ideas __ English education for the people and compulsory learning for girls, a modern judicial system, industries, museums, research centres and banks. But he died when he was 20. What he left behind is a rich account of his travels and experiences to Europe where he went on a study tour in 1870 and spent 150 days until his death in Florence in Italy. The monarch's enthusiasm made him journal. The account he kept of what he saw and experienced during his stay came to life over 150 years later when a digitized version of a book based on his dairy surfaced a few years ago. It was first published in 1872 as The Dairy of Late Rajah Of Kolhapoor-During His Visit To Europe in 1870, and edited by British official Edward West, who was in the prince's retinue. What Rajaram II chronicled can now be widely read. Head of the English department, Rajaram College Kolhapur, Raghunath Kadakane, has translated the book into Marathi on the monarch's 175th birth anniversary. Kadakane said despite a history of rebellion, Kolhapur's royalty and the British forged an alliance for the people. 'Rajaram II had vision and was eager to modernise his state after his return. His dreams were fulfilled by Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj more than 100 years later. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like Why Seniors Are Snapping Up This TV Box, We Explain! Techno Mag Learn More Undo Shahu Maharaj opened schools, built dams and developed a pro-people administration,' he said. Shahu Chhatrapati, head of Kolhapur's royal family and a Congress MP, said they have the original copies of the dairy published by West but it is a private collection. Who Was Rajaram II? Born Nagojirao Patankar, he was adopted by the royal family of Karvir (Kolhapur) who are descendants of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. He was 16 in 1866 when he became king but like other princely states, Kolhapur was under the British crown. Since the prince was a minor, political agent Colonel G S Andersen deputed West to run the administration. After the 1857 war of independence, Kolhapur's ruler Chimasaheb or Shahu I was arrested and sent to Karachi where he passed away. The crown approved the adoption of Rajaram II and he was coronated in Pune. West wrote, 'A Parsee graduate of Bombay University was selected to carry out tuition and a scheme of education was carefully drawn." The Parsee graduate was Jamshetji Unwala. During his schooling, Rajaram II was housed in a residency far from the Kolhapur palace. He grew up among Europeans and interacted with the company staffers from the residency. Before he left for Europe, 20-year-old Rajaram II laid the foundation of an English medium school later named Rajaram High School. It also got a college with former acting president B D Jatti and other eminent people like Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Yashwantrao Chavan, N C Kelkar, Vinda Karandikar and actor R Madhavan as students. Seeds of a voyage When the Duke of Edinburgh came to Bombay in 1870 none of the native princes who flocked to meet him attracted more attention than, or created as favourable an impression, as Rajaram II, West wrote. It was here that the seeds of a voyage to Europe were sown. Being a Hindu, he overcame the taboo attached to a 'sea voyage'. The British govt gave him permission and West, the Parsi tutor and 10 sevaks (staffers) and a hakim began the journey. West wrote that Rajaram II was first Hindu reigning prince to visit Europe, and the first in the lineage of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj. Duleep Singh, the last Sikh ruler, visited Europe as an exile and was not the king at that time. Singh hosted Rajaram II at his Elveden Hall residence in London. Witness to history On June 23, ten days after he landed at Paris, Rajaram II witnessed the first telegraphic message sent from India to Britain. "At 10pm, (I) went to Mr Pender's to see the telegraphic communication between England and India and America which was lately completed. The Prince of Wales, the Duke of Cambridge, and many ladies and gentlemen were present. I was struck at seeing that the Prince of Wales received the answer to his telegram from the Viceroy of India in five minutes," Rajaram II noted. He was referring to John Pender who in 1869 founded British Indian Submarine Telegraph Company. He used huge ships like Great Eastern to lay thousands of km of undersea cables. Earlier, telegraphic links, which existed since 1864 were overland cables. The next day, Rajaram II met Queen Victoria in Windsor Castle. It was first of his two meetings with her. "I was presented to the Queen by the Lord Chamberlain on the lawn. She made a graceful bow to me and asked me kindly whether this was my first visit to England. She appeared to be in good health, and to be a kind-hearted lady," Rajaram II wrote. Here, he saw swords and daggers belonging to Tipu Sultan who died in 1799 in battle. Rajaram II also visited East India Association debates over cotton from India being exported to Britain. Dadabhai Naoroji helped Rajaram II with insights. His itinerary included visits to Royal Society, Oxford University where he interacted with vice-chancellor, the Royal Academy, the coach factory, the silk factory, the British Museum, cotton mills, the Royal Theatre and other places. He learned that silk imported from India was woven into embroidered clothes and sold back in India. At Forbes Walton's Museum, Rajaram II saw Maharaja Ranjeet Singh's golden throne. Forbes told Rajaram II that he had so many artifacts from India that he had no room to keep them. Death in florence and a connect with shelley Rajaram II's rheumatic condition worsened in Florence in Italy. It was November and the chill in the air made him worse. He had refused to see doctors and relied on his hakim. But West brought in top Italian physicians to inspect Rajaram II. The last entry in his diary was about the snowfall that he saw for the first time in his life. He died on Nov 30, 1870. "Congestion of the abdominal viscera, together with collapse of nervous power," was the cause of the death that doctors reported. A cremation was not allowed since Italy was a Catholic state and forbade it. The only exception was made some 50 years ago for Romantic poet Percy Bysshe Shelley who drowned on July 8, 1822, off the coast of Italy when his boat, the Don Juan, sank during a storm. Shelley's body washed ashore near Viareggio in Tuscany. Quarantine laws and local customs led to his cremation on the beach on August 16, 1822, in the presence of friends, including fellow poet Lord Byron and Edward Trelawny. West wrote that the question of the disposal of the Rajah's remains after his death gave rise to some difficulties. 'His Hindoo attendants shrank from the idea of the body being embalmed or disposed of in any way but that prescribed by their religion, namely, cremation. On the other hand, cremation, except in the case of Shelley, had not been heard of in Italy for centuries, and the municipal law of Florence ordained, under penalty of two years' imprisonment, that whenever anyone died, the corpse should be buried in a coffin," he added. Cremation approved British minister Augustus Paget pushed for Rajaram II's body to be cremated as per Hindu tradition. The mayor of Florence Signor Peruzzi presented the matter before the council of ministers and upon conditions, permission was granted for a cremation post-midnight. Early on Dec 1, Rajaram II's was cremated on the banks of Arno River with Mugnone stream passing by in Cascine Park. The municipality expected only a few to attend but West recorded that a huge crowd had gathered, and security had to be placed. Kadakane said that Rajaram II made a lasting impression on the people he met in Europe and therefore permission for a cremation was granted. Shahu Chhatrapati said his ancestor Rajaram II had a good education and was fluent in English and western mannerisms. His going to Europe to study had not been attempted by anyone in the lineage. His death in Europe did not stop his heirs from going there. But, it came after four decades when Rajarshi Shahu Maharaj visited. Later on, all the heads of the royal family made such trips. 'I have visited Florence to see his memorial which is well-maintained by the local administration. A bridge across Arno River too bears his name,' he said. A monument in Indo-Saracenic style Two years later a "Monumento all'Indiano," or Monument to the Indian, was erected with bust of Rajaram II under a cenotaph (Chhatri) built in Indo-Saracenic style. At the time of his demise, the Italian unification was in progress and new thoughts were emerging. Reformists accepted cremation and by the end of the 19th century crematoriums opened in Italy and later in Britain as well. West published Rajaram II's diary after returning to Britain in 1872. He died in Naples in Italy a few hours from Florence where Rajah he served as a companion too was cremated. Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with Friendship Day wishes , messages and quotes !
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First Post
3 hours ago
- First Post
How Trump's erratic behaviour strained most defining partnership of 21st century
US President Donald Trump announced on July 30, 2025, that a 25 per cent tariff on Indian goods—along with additional penalties over India's continued engagement with Russia—would take effect from August 1, 2025. In a striking contradiction, he simultaneously claimed to have concluded a trade and energy deal with Pakistan—India's traditional adversary. While India has no objection to such bilateral engagements between sovereign nations, Trump went a step further by stating, 'Who knows, maybe they'll be selling oil to India some day!' This wasn't merely an offhand comment—it was a calculated provocation. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD India and Pakistan are archrivals, and the idea of such dependence is not only unrealistic but also strategically unacceptable. By making such statements, Trump is not merely playing geopolitical games—he is striking at the heart of India's national security sensitivities and damaging a relationship that both countries have spent decades nurturing into a consequential partnership for the 21st century. Trump has consistently hyphenated India–Pakistan relations, weakening India's position on cross-border terrorism by boosting Pakistan's strategic confidence through repeated endorsements and by portraying both countries as equals. These actions have granted Pakistan undue strategic legitimacy, disregarding decades of US policy that sought to engage India as an independent and trusted strategic partner. His claim—repeated over 29 times—that he personally brokered a ceasefire between India and Pakistan has been unequivocally denied by top Indian officials, including Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar, and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh. By drawing false parallels and exaggerating his role, Trump has jeopardised India's core interests and eroded the trust carefully built by successive US administrations. A Diplomatic Liability Recently, India's Parliament witnessed a heated debate in which opposition leaders urged Prime Minister Modi to directly refute Donald Trump's repeated claims that he brokered the recent India–Pakistan ceasefire. But such directness is unlikely to yield results. Trump is not a leader who responds to logic or diplomacy. His erratic, impulsive, and reactive personality makes engagement unpredictable. Even if the Indian prime minister corrects him publicly, Trump may repeat the same claim in the evening—and again the next day. The problem lies in Washington, not New Delhi. This isn't a unique pattern. Trump turned against Elon Musk—a long-time supporter—after a minor disagreement, telling him to 'go back to South Africa' and threatening to revoke federal subsidies supporting Tesla and SpaceX. Notably, Musk was the largest individual donor to Trump's 2024 campaign, contributing between $250 million and $290 million to pro-Trump political action committees. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Despite this staggering support, Trump turned on him without hesitation—highlighting his transactional nature and readiness to discard even his most generous allies over personal slights. Similarly, Indian-American politician Vivek Ramaswamy had the foresight to distance himself from Trump early on—an act of pragmatism that likely spared him from similar treatment. Trump is not a conventional statesman. He governs through impulse-driven outbursts on Truth Social, his personal platform, bypassing standard diplomatic channels and norms. One cannot expect rational behaviour or consistency from someone so clearly erratic. Even when India's prime minister and foreign minister have privately countered his claims, Trump has continued repeating the same falsehoods, showing a complete disregard for diplomatic engagement. Undermining India's Core Sensitivities By equating India and Pakistan, Trump has granted Pakistan undeserved strategic legitimacy and confidence, despite its entrenched history of sponsoring terrorism against India. Recently, Pakistan's army chief, General Asim Munir, was hosted by Trump at a private luncheon at the White House—an extraordinary and rare gesture, especially considering that only a handful of Pakistani generals have ever received such treatment. Trump went on to lavish praise on Munir, calling him 'extremely influential in stopping the conflict from the Pakistan side' and crediting both Munir and Modi for preventing what he claimed could have escalated into a nuclear war. Adding to this, Centcom Commander General Michael Kurilla described Pakistan as 'a phenomenal partner in the counter-terrorism world,' blatantly ignoring its well-documented role in nurturing and exporting terrorist proxies. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD This repeated validation—through White House meetings, public praise, and exaggerated claims of Pakistan's counter-terrorism role—undermines India's diplomatic efforts to isolate state-sponsored terrorism. Praising a country that has itself sponsored terrorism against India is not only absurd but also adds insult to injury. Instead of backing India's fight, Trump's gestures have offered moral and strategic encouragement to Pakistan's military and political leadership—eroding the very trust that should define India–US strategic ties. Deliberate Provocation and Strategic Damage Trump's recent suggestion that India might import oil from Pakistan is not only absurd—it appears to be a deliberate attempt to provoke and humiliate. While this may be part of a broader negotiation tactic aimed at pushing India into a trade deal, the damage inflicted on bilateral relations is severe. Trump has thrown the India–US relationship into a Cold War–like deep freeze, eroding trust and mutual respect that had taken decades to build. This shift is not the result of India's foreign policy. The problem lies squarely with Trump. Unlike his predecessors—who operated with a sense of dignity, stability, and strategic foresight—Trump has pursued a chaotic, transactional approach that alienates allies and undermines shared interests. In one of his recent statements, Trump said: STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD 'I don't care if India is buying oil from Russia. I couldn't care less. Let them do whatever they want. They can take their dead economies down together for all I care.' Such a statement is not only undiplomatic—it reflects a complete disregard for the economic realities of global partnerships and disrespects a key strategic partner in the Indo-Pacific. Instead of reinforcing mutual interests, Trump has repeatedly chosen to antagonise, offend, and weaken the very relationship considered vital for regional balance and global stability and widely regarded as the defining partnership of the twenty-first century. Moreover, Trump's ignorance of India's crucial moderating role in Brics reveals his blindness to structural realities. India's presence in Brics has ensured the group remains a non-Western coalition rather than an anti-Western alliance. Without India, BRICS could have adopted an anti-dollar currency or an explicitly adversarial posture. But explaining such nuance to an impulsive and transactional US leadership seems futile. Trump is unable—or unwilling—to grasp the strategic logic of true partnerships. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Rebuilding Trust: A Long Road Ahead The trust deficit between India and the US has widened significantly. Even those in India who once firmly believed in the potential of the bilateral relationship now feel disillusioned. But India has weathered such storms before. After the 1998 nuclear tests, the United States imposed sanctions on India. Back in 1971, it had deployed the Seventh Fleet to the Bay of Bengal in an attempt to intimidate India during the Bangladesh Liberation War. India didn't bow down then—and it won't now. India will adapt and find its path, just as it has done in the past. As India's leadership has repeatedly stated, every step will be taken to secure national interest. However, the damage inflicted by Trump's erratic and impulsive leadership means that restoring faith in the relationship will take years, if not decades. Moving forward, we can expect a greater degree of scepticism and a likely recalibration of India's foreign policy posture—possibly including greater resistance to US alignment. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Trump's presidency has sown the seeds of growing anti-American sentiment in Indian strategic circles. His words and actions—especially repeated endorsements of Pakistan and disregard for India's strategic concerns—have not just weakened the India–US partnership; they have dented the very idea of trust in global diplomacy. As The Economic Times recently noted, doubts over US reliability are once again taking root in Indian foreign policy circles, and that's a serious blow to what was once considered the defining partnership of the twenty-first century. Imran Khurshid is a visiting research fellow at the International Centre for Peace Studies, New Delhi. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost's views.
