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Trump's deportation deals signal a troubling shift in US-Africa relations

Trump's deportation deals signal a troubling shift in US-Africa relations

Daily Maverick2 days ago
Eswatini and South Sudan are just two on a list of many African countries America has asked to accept violent criminals.
US President Donald Trump's policy of deporting foreign nationals convicted of violent crimes has sparked a global uproar. It also highlights the stark power imbalance between the US and developing countries, and raises serious concerns about security risks, human rights abuses and the denigration of international humanitarian law.
The controversy started in March when the US paid El Salvador $5-million to incarcerate more than 250 Venezuelan deportees accused of gang affiliations, in a maximum-security prison notorious for human rights abuses. Though the deal's terms remain unknown, the rewards appear to include a White House visit and endorsement of President Nayib Bukele, despite alarm over his repression of civil liberties.
Since then, the Trump administration has expanded this policy to Africa, with recent deportations of individuals from countries such as Vietnam, Jamaica and Yemen to South Sudan and Eswatini. The Department of Homeland Security justified the decision by saying their home countries refused 'to take them back'.
The deportations were enabled by a June US Supreme Court ruling that allows migrants to be sent to third countries without notice or legal recourse. The judgement overrules protections in the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment that prevent deportations to countries where people are at risk of torture.
Despite the US being a party to the convention, the supreme court's conservative majority set aside those safeguards, granting the government broad authority to expedite deportations. The majority opinion provided no reasons for its findings. In contrast, the minority opinion stressed that life-and-death matters required careful attention and adherence to the rule of law.
The abandonment of international law by way of the court's ruling also casts doubt on whether it intends to uphold America's obligations towards refugees and asylum seekers under the 1951 Refugee Convention and its 1967 Protocol. These frameworks prohibit the return of refugees to countries where they face serious threats to their life or freedom.
In April, the US reportedly paid Rwanda $100,000 to accept an Iraqi refugee accused by Iraq of having ties to Islamic State. The decision was taken despite a 2023 US State Department report detailing Rwanda's harsh and life-threatening prison conditions.
Similarly, The New York Times recently reported that a US diplomat urged Eswatini officials in March to accept deportees even though another State Department report documented human rights abuses there, including extrajudicial killings and torture. These concerns seem warranted. On 31 July, the Southern Africa Litigation Centre filed an urgent high court application against Eswatini's correctional services department for denying the deportees access to legal counsel.
Rights implications aside, the deportations have deepened public distrust in host country governments. Secrecy surrounding the deals exacerbates instability in both countries, which are already burdened by violence, instability and crackdowns on pro-democracy movements.
Many citizens believe the US has used aid and trade to pressure South Sudan and Eswatini into compliance and gain favour with the Trump administration, triggering fears over what was promised in exchange.
The US' approach reflects a troubling perception of Africa as a 'dumping ground' for foreign nationals convicted of violent crimes, rather than a strategic partner in global security. But outsourcing migration is not unique to the US.
Australia, the UK and European Union have long focused on outsourcing asylum processing and returns to African countries. While aimed at controlling migration, this shifts the administrative burden to nations with limited resources and weak protections. These policies raise ethical and legal questions about how asylum seekers and refugees are treated by Western countries, reflecting a view that Africa's interests are less important than their own.
Trump's pledge to 'make America great again' has translated into a sharp focus on expelling foreign nationals convicted of violent crimes, prioritising US interests above all else. In his first six months in office he dismantled US soft power by cutting foreign aid, insisting America had got a raw deal from its global counterparts.
This shift was highlighted during an April cabinet meeting when Secretary of State Marco Rubio emphasised that instead of asking 'what is good for the world', every diplomatic decision would now ask: 'Is it good for America?' He said that US foreign policy would be guided by whether it made America stronger, safer or richer.
Rubio said the Trump administration was 'actively searching for other countries to take people from third countries', stressing this was a global effort. 'We're approaching nations to ask, 'Will you take some of the most despicable human beings as a favour to us? The farther from America, the better.''
In May, CBS News reported that the US had asked Angola, Benin, Equatorial Guinea and Libya to accept deportees. In June, The New York Times revealed that the Trump administration pressured 58 countries, many in Africa, to accept deportees. This 'intense diplomatic campaign' targeted nations facing US travel bans, visa restrictions or tariffs, raising concerns that some leaders may comply regardless of whether it serves their country's interests.
And in July, Trump hosted a mini-summit in the White House with the leaders of Senegal, Mauritania, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia and Gabon. The meeting was mainly about the five countries' critical mineral wealth, although making deals on accepting US deportees has been suggested as the underlying motive.
According to Nigeria's foreign minister, Yusuf Tuggar, the US was 'mounting considerable pressure' on African countries to accept deportees. He said Nigeria outright rejected the deal, saying the country had enough problems of its own.
Such policies are likely to erode years of diplomatic progress and US-Africa relations, especially in intelligence, counterterrorism and anti-trafficking, which have already suffered significant setbacks during Trump's second term. These actions show that Trump is using diplomacy to secure America's short-term interests at the expense of human rights and regional security in Africa.
As African nations reconsider their ties to a Trump administration that treats them as expendable, these deportation policies – shaped by short-term, unilateral decisions amid complex global threats – serve the interests of no one, including America. DM
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Zambian President Hakainde Hichilema, Angola President Joao Lourenco, US President Joe Biden, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) President Felix Tshisekedi, and Tanzania Vice-President Philip Isdor Mpango at the Lobito Corridor Trans-Africa Summit December 4, 2024. ( Image: AFP Kim Heller The United States (U.S.) is romancing the Southern African Development Community (SADC). It is no whirlwind courtship. For months now, Washington has been actively engaged in the new peace process in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In July, senior leaders from the U.S. Africa Command visited Angola and Namibia. Last week, AFRICOM Deputy Commander Lieutenant General John W. Brennan and Ambassador Robert Scott held an online press briefing to provide some insight into the U.S. intentions. There is an unmistakable desire to deepen security links and avert the threat of terrorism and insurgency, which poses a risk beyond the Continent. 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It is not surprising then that the U.S. is desperately seeking a friendly outpost on the Continent, and Southern Africa seems to be a willing partner. Secretary of State Marco Rubio has recently spoken of how the U.S. is moving away from a "charity-based foreign aid model" to partnerships with African countries that "demonstrate the ability and willingness to help themselves." Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Next Stay Close ✕ The US is a serial opportunist. Its roving eye is easily drawn to speedy, high-dividend transactions rather than long and steady associations. The U.S. expects that SADC will be up for sale, like much of Africa. Too often, the Continent is little more than a passing fancy in the rivalries of great nations. In the swoon of foreign advances, SADC must be cautious, and it is imperative that it resist becoming an easily discarded pawn in U.S. rivalries with China and Russia. The U.S. is unlikely to be a steady partner for SADC, especially under the Trump administration. A short-term fancy by the U.S. whose affections can be withdrawn in a wink, is not a sustainable partnership for SADC unless it is defined and dictated by SADC itself, rather than imposed by the United States. SADC must forget how U.S. Aid was stopped in an inhumanly hurried manner, jeopardising millions of impoverished Africans. What is concerning is that an overwhelming involvement of the U.S. in the Lobita Corridor, its military presence, and hold over mineral resources appears to emulate former exploitative colonial patterns. Equally worrying is the risk of U.S. interference with security priorities and protocols. The securitisation of SADC and the potential disorientation of its security plans, protocols and structures pose a direct threat to its sovereignty. Emotions can change; whims are not long-term commitments. SADC must be careful not to fall for a gambit that does not favour it in the medium to long term. The words of African Union Commission Chairperson Moussa Faki Mahamat must be heeded, "We are not pawns," he declared at the 2024 AU summit. At this juncture, SADC unity cannot be compromised, especially given the ongoing crisis in the DRC. A unified rather than individual country strategy is likely to strengthen the hand of the SADC in dealing with the U.S.'s partnership invitation. The Trump administration holds no affection for Africa. It is about narcissistic intent and interest. A penchant for power, not peace, is its motivational force. The intent is simple. For now, the U.S. is salivating about minerals, strategic ports, valuable shipping corridors and military presence. In West Africa, AFRICOM has been marched out. Now, the U.S. is hoping to be welcomed in Southern Africa. With the relative stability SADC offers, it could be a real win for the U.S. Unless SADC ensures that the relationship is one of mutual collaboration, support, and development rather than dependency and control, it will be but a pawn in the play of foreign players. In the Washington Qatar brokered peace deal for the DRC, SADC and the African Union were sidelined. This should make SADC proceed with caution. SADC risks getting caught up in an exploitative relationship – where its strategic assets and infrastructure are used for U.S security benefits and where extraction rather than development ensues. SADC must act in a unified manner, especially given that member countries have different historical relationships with and attitudes towards the U.S. SADC will need to be highly vigilant to ensure that military training exercises are not more sinister military plans by the U.S. to fight the growing influence of China and Russia. If SADC acts submissively and with naivety, smiles will turn to tears in a classic betrayal by imperial agendas. Africa must protect its heart and its sovereignty. Southern Africa cannot be turned into the U.S.'s new battlefield. What is certain is that Africa will continue to be a playground for foreign wars. With this understanding, SADC must not lose its sovereignty in the easy frolic and charm of foreign suitors. * Kim Heller is a political analyst and author of No White Lies: Black Politics and White Power in South Africa. ** The views expressed do not necessarily reflect the views of IOL, Independent Media or The African.

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