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Russia strikes Ukraine with over 620 drones, missiles; six dead

Russia strikes Ukraine with over 620 drones, missiles; six dead

New Straits Times11 hours ago
KYIV: Russia fired more than 620 drones and long-range missiles overnight, killing at least six people in the latest wave of strikes, Ukraine said Saturday, adding that it was close to an agreement to receive more Patriot air-defence systems.
"The Russians continue to use their specific tactics of terror against our country, striking concentrated blows at one city or another, at one region or another," Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said in his evening address.
Moscow has stepped up aerial strikes over recent months as US-led ceasefire talks have stalled.
"Twenty-six cruise missiles and 597 attack drones were launched, of which more than half were 'Shaheds'," Zelenskyy said, referring to Iranian-made drones.
The Ukrainian air force said it had downed 319 Shahed drones and 25 missiles, adding that one missile and about 20 drones had hit "five locations."
Zelenskyy said the strikes had killed at least two people and wounded 20 in the southwestern Chernivtsi region, far from the front lines of the east and south.
Twelve people were wounded in Lviv, also in the west, while in the east, two people died in Dnipropetrovsk and three were wounded in Kharkiv, local officials said.
Russia also "dropped two guided aerial bombs on the homes of civilians" in the northeastern Sumy region killing two, the local prosecutors office said.
Zelensyky said that some of the drones sent by Russia had been "simulators" intended to "overload the air-defence system and make it more difficult to shoot down the 'suicide drones'. This is their deliberate and despicable terror."
The Russian defence ministry said it had targeted companies in Ukraine's military-industrial complex in Lviv, Kharkiv and Lutsk and a military aerodrome.
In a video message, Zelenskyy said "we are close to reaching a multi-level agreement on new Patriot systems and missiles for them." Ukraine was stepping up production of its own interceptor systems, he added.
US special envoy Keith Kellogg is due to begin his latest visit to Ukraine on Monday as a Washington-led peace effort flounders. US President Donald Trump also said he would make a "major statement... on Russia" on Monday.
On Friday, the Kremlin restated its opposition to a European peacekeeping force in Ukraine, after French President Emmanuel Macron said Kyiv's allies had a plan "ready to go... in the hours after a ceasefire."
Trump called Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin last week but said afterwards that there had been no progress towards ending the war.
The Kremlin said Putin would not give up on Russia's war goals but would nonetheless continue to take part in negotiations.
Moscow says its aim in Ukraine is to get rid of the "root causes" of the conflict and has demanded that Kyiv give up its Nato ambitions.
Washington's announcement earlier this month that it would pause some armament deliveries to Ukraine was a blow to Kyiv, which is reliant on Western military support.
On Saturday, Zelenskyy urged his Western allies to send "more than just signals" to stop the war launched by Russia in February 2022.
"The pace of Russian air strikes requires swift decisions and it can be curbed right now through sanctions," he said on social media.
Zelenskyy specifically demanded penalties for those who "help Russia produce drones and profit from oil."
Oil exports are important for the Russian economy especially in the face of existing Western sanctions.
Sanctions imposed on Russia – the world's largest fertiliser producer – after the invasion spared its grain and fertiliser exports.
But prices skyrocketed, fuelling fears of food insecurity.
The United Nations signed a deal with Russia in July 2022 to facilitate exports of food and fertiliser to limit global price increases.
But on Friday, it said the accord would not be renewed when it expires on July 22.
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Iranian president lightly injured in Israeli strike on top security meeting: report
Iranian president lightly injured in Israeli strike on top security meeting: report

New Straits Times

time3 hours ago

  • New Straits Times

Iranian president lightly injured in Israeli strike on top security meeting: report

ANKARA: Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian sustained minor leg injuries during an Israeli strike that targeted a meeting of Iran's Supreme National Security Council last month, Anadolu Ajansi reported, citing Fars News Agency. According to the news report on Saturday, the missile attack occurred on June 17 as top Iranian leaders, including the heads of the three branches of government, were meeting in a secured lower level of a building in western Tehran. The strike involved six projectiles that hit the entrances and exits of the building, an approach similar to an assassination attempt on Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, the news report stated. Officials managed to evacuate using a pre-planned emergency hatch, the agency reported, noting that Pezeshkian was "injured during the evacuation but was able to exit safely." The report also said Iranian authorities suspect a possible internal leak, citing the accuracy of the strike. The new agency criticised Western and Israeli-affiliated media outlets for ignoring a "blatant act of state terrorism" while condemning Iranian leaders' religious rulings against figures like US President Donald Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. A 12-day armed conflict between Israel and Iran erupted on June 13 after Tel Aviv launched airstrikes on Iranian military, nuclear, and civilian sites, killing at least 606 people and injuring 5,332, according to Iran's Health Ministry. The conflict came to a halt under a US-sponsored ceasefire that took effect on June 24. – Bernama-Anadolu

Malaysia's new chapter with nuclear
Malaysia's new chapter with nuclear

Borneo Post

time4 hours ago

  • Borneo Post

Malaysia's new chapter with nuclear

Fadillah and Likhachev discussed key areas including legal frameworks, technology transfer, and workforce training. — Bernama photo KUCHING (July 13, 2025): Nuclear power is officially on the table for national development. With rising pressure to cut emissions, secure long-term supply, and reduce reliance on coal and gas, nuclear power has returned to the national agenda after years on the sidelines. This was made clear during Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Fadillah Yusof's recent working visit to Russia, the global leader in nuclear energy. The visit marks a defining moment for Malaysia's energy ambitions. It signals renewed political will, international collaboration, and a pragmatic approach to achieving net zero carbon emissions by 2050. This diplomatic mission was a clear signal of Malaysia's intent to seriously explore nuclear energy as part of its future energy mix. A key outcome of the visit was the signing of a non-disclosure agreement (NDA) between Malaysia's MyPower Corporation and Russian state atomic energy agency Rosatom, paving the way for future cooperation in the peaceful use of nuclear technology. Fadillah met Rosatom director-general Alexey Likhachev to discuss key areas including legal frameworks, technology transfer, and workforce training. He said the engagement will allow Malaysian technical agencies to start direct talks with Rosatom, including cooperation on upgrading the national power grid and potential links with the Asean Power Grid. This push is part of Malaysia's broader National Energy Transition Roadmap as nuclear now seen as a viable clean baseload option. The National Energy Transition Roadmap (NETR), unveiled in July 2023, outlines three key targets for power sector decarbonisation. These include reaching 40 per cent renewable energy by 2040 and 70 per cent by 2050, phasing out coal entirely by 2045, and using natural gas as a lower-carbon baseload fuel during the transition. Fadillah, who is also the Minister for Energy Transition and Water Transformation (PETRA), said the Cabinet has in principle agreed to consider nuclear as a future energy source. 'This is to address the current limitations in baseload energy supply. We are trying to reduce our dependence on coal and gas, but supply remains a challenge. 'In addition, we are facing constraints in hydroelectric generation due to limited water resources. Globally, many now see nuclear power as an option that must be considered,' he was quoted as saying. It is worth noting that Malaysia's interest in nuclear is not new. In 2008, the government set up the Nuclear Power Development Steering Committee. The following year, former Prime Minister Najib Razak unveiled a plan to establish a small-scale nuclear reactor. By 2011, the Malaysia Nuclear Power Corporation (MNPC) was established as Malaysia's Nuclear Energy Programme Implementing Organisation (NEPIO), positioned under the Prime Minister's Department. The MNPC took on the functions of the Nuclear Power Development Steering Committee. Alongside its establishment, there was a budget of US$7.7 million from 2010-2012 that highlighted the country's strong commitment to nuclear power development. Among key pre-project activities undertaken by MNPC between 2011 and 2014 were completion of legal and regulatory studies, which included Malaysia's Nuclear Power Regulatory Infrastructure Development Plan (NPRIDP). However, these plans were ultimately shelved following the disbandment of the Malaysia Nuclear Power Corporation (MNPC) in 2018 after Najib's term ended. His successor Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad asserted that Malaysia would not pursue nuclear power plants. Fast forward to November 2024, the then Economy Minister Rafizi Ramli confirmed that the Cabinet and National Energy Council had endorsed nuclear for inclusion in the 13th Malaysia Plan (2026–2030), making it the first time in over a decade since the discussion on nuclear was first introduced. 'Nuclear is on the table – because without nuclear and if we were to miss one or two (options), its quite difficult for Malaysia to achieve net zero by 2050,' he said. He also said groundwork for nuclear adoption is well underway and expected to be tabled in Parliament this month (July 2025). The Ministry of Science, Technology and Innovation (MOSTI) and PETRA are jointly tasked with preparing the legal and regulatory framework, which must comply with international standards before any project can proceed. Analysts at TA Securities believe MOSTI will handle the legal side while PETRA will take charge on technical integration into the energy system, as nuclear is being considered for post-2035 deployment. Analysis: Nuclear necessary to hit M'sia's energy targets The clock is ticking as Malaysia searches for clean and stable energy to replace coal, which still makes up 59 per cent of Malaysia's generation mix. Over half of Malaysia's coal-fired capacity, around 7GW, is scheduled to retire between 2029 and 2033. The remaining 5GW is set to go offline by 2044, in line with the government's long-term target to phase out coal. Furthermore, Malaysia's electricity demand is projected to increase significantly driven by expanding industrial activities, the rapid growth of energy-intensive data centres, and the rising adoption of electric vehicles. According to a Energy Watch report, 18 operational data centres in Malaysia already consume about 800MW, and this figure could surge with 81 new data centres expected by 2035. Government projections show national power demand could reach 7.7GW by 2030 and 20.9GW by 2040, mostly in Peninsular Malaysia. Malaysia is not alone in this push. Across Asean, several countries are also turning to nuclear as part of their energy strategy. Indonesia, the Philippines and Vietnam are moving ahead with plans, with an estimated 10.6GW of nuclear capacity expected to come online in Asean by 2035, and at least 30GW by 2050. Indonesia has announced plans to build 4.3GW of nuclear capacity. The Philippines is home to the region's only nuclear power plant, built in the 1980s but never operated. Globally, nuclear power has been gaining ground for decades, with Asia, North America, and Europe leading the way. In 2023, nuclear plants generated 2602 terawatt-hour (TWh) of electricity worldwide, based on International Energy Agency data. Nuclear makes up 9 per cent of global electricity generation. In advanced economies, the share is 17 per cent, while in emerging and developing countries it remains at just 5 per cent, according to TA Securities. In 2024, nuclear contributed 8 per cent of new global electricity generation. Renewable energy made up the largest share at 38 per cent, followed by gas (28 per cent), coal (15 per cent) and oil (11 per cent), according to IEA estimates. While the 2011 Fukushima disaster slowed nuclear growth as countries re-examine their policies, the tide has turned. Japan has since restarted 14 reactors, with three more approved. China, Russia and the US continue to invest, with China leading new reactor development. For Malaysia, the need is urgent. With 7GW due to be retired in the next eight years, and 5GW more between 2040 and 2044, the search for baseload alternatives is more critical than ever. Given the 10 to 15 years required to set up the legal, regulatory and technical framework for a nuclear project, groundworks must begin soon. TA Securities said while nuclear may not be ready in time to replace the first batch of expiring coal capacity between 2029 and 2033, which will likely be filled by natural gas, it can be positioned to replace the remaining coal fleet between 2040 and 2044 and serve as a clean complement to the generation mix. How does nuclear work? Nuclear energy is produced through a process called nuclear fission. This happens when the nucleus of an atom, usually uranium-235 or plutonium-239, is split by a neutron. The split releases heat and more neutrons, which then strike other fuel atoms, creating a chain reaction. This reaction is carefully controlled inside a nuclear reactor. The heat generated from fission is used to turn water into steam. The steam drives turbines that are connected to generators, which produce electricity. Because no fossil fuels are burned, nuclear power produces almost no greenhouse gas emissions during operation. The entire process is kept within secure systems to prevent radiation leaks, but safety and long-term waste management remain critical issues. Despite this, many countries continue to invest in nuclear energy due to its ability to deliver stable and low-carbon electricity. There are several types of nuclear reactors used around the world, each with different designs and functions. The most common is the pressurised water reactor (PWR), which uses water as both coolant and neutron moderator. The water is kept under high pressure to prevent it from boiling, and heat is transferred through a primary circuit to a secondary loop that produces steam to drive turbines. In Russia, similar designs are known as VVER reactors. Boiling water reactors (BWRs) work in a similar way but use only one water circuit, where the water boils inside the reactor vessel to produce steam directly. This makes them simpler than PWRs. Heavy water reactors (HWRs), such as Canada's CANDU reactors, use deuterium oxide as coolant and moderator. They produce more energy per kilogram of uranium but also generate more spent fuel. Gas-cooled reactors (GCRs) use gases like carbon dioxide or helium for cooling and graphite as a moderator, with the advanced gas-cooled reactor (AGR) being a well-known variant. Fast neutron reactors (FNRs) do not use a moderator at all and rely on fast neutrons to sustain fission, often using liquid metals like sodium as coolant. These reactors can extract far more energy from uranium compared to conventional reactors, though they require more highly enriched fuel and are more costly to build. Regardless of the difference, all nuclear reactor types aim to generate low-carbon, reliable electricity on a large scale. Inside the global race towards a nuclear future Lee (middle) alongside other panelists during the Energy Asia 2025 session entitled 'Nuclear Revival in Asia'. A shift is underway in the world of energy. For decades, nuclear power was a technology defined by public apprehension and political inertia. Today, driven by the twin crises of climate change and volatile energy markets, a new era for nuclear is dawning. Across the globe, from established industrial powers to emerging economies, governments are actively embracing nuclear energies as a cornerstone of a clean, secure energy future. This is a 'complete paradigm shift,' said King Lee, head of policy and industry engagement at the World Nuclear Association, the international body representing the sector. 'This is really driven by climate change, and more recently, energy security concerns,' he explained, pointing to the recent energy crisis that sent prices soaring and hit both consumers and industries hard. He said this during a panel session at Energy Asia 2025 titled 'Nuclear Revival in Asia'. The evidence of this change can be seen worldwide. Lee said as of early 2025, approximately 440 nuclear reactors are operating in 33 countries, while about 60 more new units are being constructed worldwide; This global momentum, however, is not evenly distributed. The majority of nuclear development centres mostly in Asia, a continent in the midst of an unprecedented energy transformation that is placing nuclear power at its very core. While the world grapples with its energy future, Asia is clear on its energy directives as the continent is already home to 30 per cent of the world's nuclear capacity, but that is just the beginning. 'Moving forward, the major growth of nuclear is in Asia,' Lee said. 'Of the nearly 70GW that's currently under construction globally, approximately 70 per cent of these are in Asia.' A look across the region reveals a breathtaking scale of ambition. According to data from the World Nuclear Association, China is an undisputed giant of this new nuclear age, operating 58 reactors and building another 27. It has plans to reach 150GW of nuclear capacity by 2035 and potentially 400GW by 2060. This would firmly establish China as the world's leading nuclear power. In a significant policy reversal, South Korea is doubling down on nuclear. Its latest energy plan calls for three new reactors by 2038, aiming for nuclear power to generate over 35 per cent of the nation's electricity. As for Japan, the nation that experienced the trauma of Fukushima is cautiously re-embracing the atom. With 14 reactors now restarted out of 33 operable ones, Japan's goal is to generate 20 per cent of its electricity from nuclear by 2040, a target that will require restarting most of its existing fleet and building new plants. Over in India, with its long-term vision to achieve net-zero emissions by 2070, India has announced a massive nuclear expansion, targeting 100 gigawatts of capacity by 2047 and opening the door to both state-led and private investment. This wave of development is now spilling over into Southeast Asia, a region on the cusp of its own nuclear dawn. Bangladesh is set to commission its first reactor in late 2025. Vietnam has revived its nuclear programme, aiming for its first plant by the mid-2030s. The Philippines is debating the revival of its mothballed Bataan plant, while Indonesia and Malaysia have officially included nuclear power in their long-term energy roadmaps. SMRs: Revolutionising the future of reactors This file photo on August 10, 2023 shows the assembly site of the core module of the world's first commercial small modular reactor, Linglong One, in Changjiang Li Autonomous County, south China's Hainan Province. — XInhua photo This nuclear renaissance is not simply about building more of the same. A key driver of this new momentum is a technological evolution: the Small Modular Reactor, or SMR. These are not the sprawling, gigawatt-scale plants of the 20th century. Instead, they represent a fundamental rethinking of nuclear design, safety, and deployment. 'I believe large reactors and SMRs have different features and therefore serve different markets,' explained Masanori Ijichi, division director at Japan's IHI Corporation, which invested in SMR developer NuScale in 2021. While large reactors are a good fit for established grids with massive electricity demand, like in Japan, SMRs offer a different value proposition. 'SMRs have other features, such as advanced safety, a variety of sizes, and flexibility,' Ijichi says. This means they can be adapted for smaller grids, remote communities, or to replace decommissioned coal plants. Their key innovation lies in modularity. 'Most of the work is done in a fabrication shop, which simplifies construction work at the site,' he notes, a crucial advantage given the cost and schedule overruns that have plagued some large-scale nuclear projects. Jon Guidroz, senior vice president at Aalo Atomics from the US, takes this concept a step further. He argued that for the revolution to be real, SMRs must move from being 'construction projects' to 'mass-manufactured products.' 'One of the challenges I see when I look across the SMR landscape is that many of them are neither small nor modular,' he said during the Energy Asia panel session. 'Aalo Atomics is betting on a different model. We are building a factory in Austin, Texas, with the goal of mass-producing 50MW reactors that can be shipped for assembly on-site. 'The idea is to move from construction projects, which have very low predictability on schedule and are prone to cost overruns… to factory-based, mass-manufactured products,' Guidroz said. 'This approach is the key to unlocking nuclear power for a new and unexpected customer: Big Tech.' Malaysia has been studying SMRs since last year. MOSTI has confirmed that it has conducted benchmarking visits to Russia to explore floating power unit SMRs, nuclear energy cycles, and related safety guidelines. (Source: Malaysia Nuclear Association) It said these efforts are aligned with global trends, as SMRs are gaining traction for their enhanced safety features, scalability, and suitability for smaller grids or remote areas. Large nuclear reactors require huge capital outlay and pose financial risks, especially for a first-time nuclear country like Malaysia. Hence, SMRs, by comparison, offer a more practical alternative. It is defined by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) as advanced fission reactors of up to 300MW per unit. They are also smaller and modular (hence their name) and their can be prefabricated, shipped and installed on-site that help cut both costs and delays. SMRs also offer more deployment flexibility. They can be scaled up over time, easing financing pressures and helping replace ageing fossil fuel plants. Beyond power generation, some SMR designs can support industrial needs like hydrogen production, desalination and district heating. There is growing interest in using SMRs to meet electricity demand from data centres and AI systems. Their stable, carbon-free output and small footprint make them attractive for operators with decarbonisation targets. As of end-2024, around 25GW of SMR capacity has been proposed for data centre use globally, mostly in the US. China's first SMR, the ACP100 or Linglong One, is expected to be completed by 2026 and was the first design to pass the IAEA safety review. The US leads in SMR innovation, with federal support and the first projects expected online by the early 2030s. In Europe, the EU SMR Industrial Alliance is driving deployment plans across the bloc. Countries like France, the Czech Republic, Finland and Sweden are also exploring SMR use, with total capacity targets ranging from 3GW to 10GW. Globally, the IEA projects a US$670 billion market for SMRs by 2050, with over 1,000 units expected across 30 countries. However, TA Securities noted SMR costs remain uncertain until more units are commercialised, as most designs are still new and have yet to prove cost advantages at scale. Additionally, it believes that SMR is a strong contender for Malaysia's first nuclear project due to their smaller size and easier deployment. 'However, in balancing the energy trilemma, we believe the government will also take into consideration the high costs associated with nuclear energy and its impact on consumer tariffs – hence, any potential induction of nuclear energy is likely to be gradual. 'We also acknowledge competing technologies such as energy storage, which can address solar intermittence, gas with CCS (carbon capture & storage), as well as hydrogen, although the latter is still technically and commercially challenging,' it said. This file photo on August 10, 2023 shows the construction site of Linglong One, in Changjiang Li Autonomous County, south China's Hainan Province. — Xinhua photo The path forward for the new era Despite the technological advancements and growing political will, the road to a nuclear-powered future is not without its hurdles. Turning ambition into reality will require overcoming significant challenges in finance, regulation, and public trust. For nuclear power to truly enter a new era, it must overcome the lingering shadow of past accidents, most notably Chernobyl. Addressing this public perception challenge is paramount. 'When we talk about safety, it's not a binary question of 'is it safe or isn't it safe?'' asked Professor Michael Short of MIT's Department of Nuclear Science and Engineering. 'Every technology has a risk. And the biggest risk I think we could take is to do nothing.' Short argued for a data-driven perspective. When comparing deaths per unit of electricity produced, 'nuclear, wind, and solar are nearly indistinguishable from each other.' He likens the perception of nuclear risk to the fear of flying versus driving. Crucially, he said, today's technology is not the technology of the 1980s. 'The flawed design of the Chernobyl plant, which lacked a containment dome, would not be licensed today. Modern reactors, and especially SMRs, are built with 'safety by design.' 'There are multiple inherent layers of safety,' Short explained, 'from the fuel rods that contain the fuel, to the vessel that surrounds it, to the safety systems that surround that, and to the containment dome that surrounds all of it.' Meanwhile, Masanori added that the smaller size of SMRs allows for 'passive safety' systems that rely on natural forces like gravity and convection to cool the reactor, rather than active systems that require pumps and motors. 'Because an SMR is small, passive safety can be realised, which means the possibility of an accident is significantly lower,' he says. This enhanced safety profile allows for smaller emergency planning zones, making it feasible to co-locate SMRs with industrial facilities or closer to population centers. Guidroz emphasised the need to build a robust global ecosystem of partners, from uranium suppliers to construction firms. But perhaps the most critical components are human: public acceptance and international collaboration. 'You cannot push a string; one must pull a string,' says Professor Short, arguing that the best way to build public trust is not to force a solution, but to make information freely and widely available, allowing people to 'verify for yourself.' This spirit of openness extends to regulation. Panelists unanimously called for greater international cooperation. King Lee highlights the inefficiency of the current system, where reactor designs must be re-certified and altered for each country. He advocates for a common regulatory framework to streamline deployment. Professor Short adds a crucial caveat: these regulatory bodies must be fiercely independent and shielded from political interference. Ultimately, the message from across the industry is one of partnership. From Japanese and American firms collaborating on new designs to the call for a unified approach among ASEAN nations, the path forward is collective. 'We need an ecosystem of partners,' Guidroz concluded. 'None of this stuff works unless we have fuel. So we need a robust supply chain, partnerships for global deployment to be in the remit.'

Turkey should be a strategic dialogue partner of Asean — Phar Kim Beng
Turkey should be a strategic dialogue partner of Asean — Phar Kim Beng

Malay Mail

time4 hours ago

  • Malay Mail

Turkey should be a strategic dialogue partner of Asean — Phar Kim Beng

JULY 13 — As Asean approaches a more uncertain and multipolar world order, the time has come for the bloc to reconsider and recalibrate its list of strategic partners. Among the candidates that merit serious attention is the Republic of Turkey — a country with a distinct geostrategic identity, a growing economic and technological footprint, and a track record of mediating complex international crises. Turkey, in short, is a power that Asean can no longer ignore. It is time that Turkey be recognized formally as a Strategic Dialogue Partner of Asean, and be included in the East Asia Summit (EAS) framework. It should not remain as a Sectoral Partner of Asean anymore. A strategic middle power bridging continents Turkey sits at the crossroads of Asia, Europe, and the Middle East, a geography that lends it significant strategic depth. Bordering eight countries — including Greece, Bulgaria, Syria, Iraq, Iran, and Armenia — Turkey has proximity to nearly all the major conflict zones and energy corridors of the world. Its ability to interface with NATO, the Arab League, the Organization of Turkic States, the European Union (as a customs union partner), and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) illustrates its omni-directional diplomacy — precisely the kind of adaptable, multipolar foreign policy orientation that Asean itself aspires to embody. In the words of former Turkish Foreign Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu, Turkey practices a 'zero problems with neighbors' policy. Even when this doctrine has been tested by regional upheavals — from the Syrian civil war to tensions with Greece — Ankara has adapted with strategic restraint rather than hegemonic ambition. In this regard, it mirrors Asean's ethos of non-interference, consensus-building, and respect for sovereignty. The current Foreign Minister Dr Hakan Fidan, not excluding Dr Ibrahim Kalin the Chief of Turkish intelligence, are two of the leading figures in the inner circle of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan who have more than 25 years of impressive experience with the Global North and South. President Erdoğan's ability to speak directly with Presidents Putin and Zelenskyy, while simultaneously working with Western allies, is a testament to Turkey's status as a credible bridge-builder in an increasingly polarized world. ― Reuters pic Turkey's role in global and regional stability Turkey's growing reputation as a global mediator is another critical asset. In the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Turkey has played a pivotal role — hosting rounds of peace talks, brokering the Black Sea Grain Initiative, and serving as one of the few NATO members that maintains a functioning relationship with both Kyiv and Moscow. President Erdoğan's ability to speak directly with Presidents Putin and Zelenskyy, while simultaneously working with Western allies, is a testament to Turkey's status as a credible bridge-builder in an increasingly polarized world. For Asean, which has often been caught between competing major powers — the United States and China, or Japan and South Korea — Turkey's calibrated diplomacy offers a valuable template and support structure. As and when Turkey can successfully balance its NATO obligations with cordial ties to Russia and China, its presence in the East Asia Summit would offer new dimensions of multilateral engagement, especially in times of crisis. Soft power and technological diplomacy Turkey is not merely a military or diplomatic actor. Its soft power has expanded through Turkish television dramas, cultural centers, humanitarian diplomacy, and public education initiatives in Africa, the Balkans, and Central Asia. In East Asia, Turkish Airlines is already a household name, connecting multiple Asean capitals with Istanbul and beyond. TİKA, the Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency, has quietly engaged in development and humanitarian projects in the region, further laying the groundwork for deeper cooperation. Moreover, Turkey's rise as a drone superpower — especially with the globally recognized Bayraktar TB2 drones — has implications for the growing security-industrial aspirations of Asean member states. Countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, the Philippines, and Vietnam are already in the process of modernizing their maritime and aerial defenses. Turkey's unmanned aerial and maritime systems offer cost-effective, reliable alternatives to Western or Chinese technologies, without the geopolitical strings often attached. Realist grounds: Strategic balancing and security architecture From a realist perspective, Asean should include Turkey as a strategic dialogue partner to enhance its options in balancing external powers. Realism acknowledges that international relations are dictated by national interests, military capabilities, and the anarchic structure of the international system. In a context where China's influence is rising and U.S. commitment is questioned cyclically, Turkey provides Asean with another central-power actor capable of serving as a buffer and a balancer. Its NATO membership ensures it remains committed to a rules-based order, but its independence in foreign policy ensures that it does not automatically follow Washington's line. Turkey also commands one of the largest standing armies in the NATO alliance and maintains strong defense-industrial ties with South Korea, Pakistan, and increasingly with Southeast Asia. For a region like Asean that has been careful in not aligning militarily with any great power, but still needs to modernize its capabilities, Turkey offers a partner that is both capable and careful. Liberalist justifications: Trade, investment, and institutional partnerships From a liberal internationalist standpoint, the inclusion of Turkey serves Asean's goals of expanding open markets, rule-based institutions, and economic interdependence. Bilateral trade between Turkey and Asean exceeded USD 12 billion in 2023, with Turkey maintaining embassies in nearly all Asean capitals and free trade agreements in negotiation with Malaysia, Singapore, and Indonesia. Turkey has also expressed keen interest in joining the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), the world's largest free trade agreement centered around Asean. Institutionally, Turkey already has experience in regional multilateralism through its longstanding membership in the [G20], the D8 Organization for Economic Cooperation (with Malaysia and Indonesia), and as an observer to the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) Asean meetings. With diplomatic missions to the Asean Secretariat in Jakarta, and its constructive role in the [Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM)], Turkey's entry into East Asia's top diplomatic forum is a logical next step. Constructivist approach: Shared norms and civilizational bridges Constructivist theory in international relations emphasizes the role of ideas, identities, and norms. In this light, Turkey and Asean share important normative commitments. Both champion multilateralism, sovereignty, and dialogue over coercion. Turkey's strong Islamic heritage also makes it a natural partner for Muslim-majority Asean states like Indonesia, Malaysia, and Brunei, while its secular governance structure provides a bridge to non-Muslim Asean members. Culturally, Turkey's historical engagement with Southeast Asia dates back centuries — through the Ottoman Empire's ties with the Sultanates of Aceh, Patani, and Johor. These enduring civilizational linkages remain untapped reservoirs of shared memory that could be revived and institutionalized. Turkey's emphasis on intercivilizational dialogue, as seen in its promotion of the 'Alliance of Civilizations' initiative at the United Nations, aligns with Asean's aspirations to be the convener of diverse global powers. Institutionalism: Embedding Turkey into Asean's multilateral norms Institutionalist theory argues that international institutions are essential in shaping the behavior of states through norms, rules, and repeated interaction. By including Turkey in the East Asia Summit and recognizing it as a Strategic Dialogue Partner, Asean can embed Ankara into its institutional fabric. This would allow Turkey to adapt to Asean's core norms — non-interference, peaceful dispute settlement, and decision-making by consensus. Furthermore, Turkey can contribute to regional initiatives on disaster relief (via the Asean Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance), counterterrorism cooperation, and public health diplomacy. Without a doubt, Turkey can play a proactive and productive role in Asean's comprehensive security agenda. Turkey's Omni-Directional Foreign Policy: A Complement, Not a Contradiction Lastly, Turkey's omni-directional foreign policy — its ability to pursue multiple and sometimes contradictory alignments — is not a liability but a strength. Rather than viewing Turkey as 'Janus-faced,' Asean should see Turkey as embodying precisely the kind of agility that is needed in today's fragmented global order. Asean itself has long practiced an equidistant diplomacy between the U.S., China, the EU, and other powers. Turkey's inclusion would only reinforce this balanced approach. Indeed, Turkey's relationship with China, Japan, and South Korea — three Asean Dialogue Partners — are all on solid footing. Ankara's ability to maintain working ties with Beijing on the Belt and Road Initiative, while opposing Chinese policies in Xinjiang on human rights grounds, reflects the kind of normative pragmatism that Asean itself often deploys. Conclusion: A case for inclusion, not exclusion As Asean reconsiders its diplomatic architecture in an era of power transition and fragmentation, Turkey stands out as a compelling candidate for Strategic Dialogue Partnership and East Asia Summit inclusion. Its geographic centrality, military and technological capabilities, cultural and religious affinities, as well as its record of responsible diplomacy, all make it an indispensable partner for Asean's future. The question is no longer why Asean should engage Turkey, but how soon. Waiting any longer would be to miss the opportunity to bring a rising and responsible power into the fold — one that can help Asean navigate a world increasingly defined by uncertainty, rivalry, and complexity. * Phar Kim Beng is a professor of Asean Studies and Director of the Institute of Internationalization and Asean Studies at the International Islamic University of Malaysia ** This is the personal opinion of the writer or publication and does not necessarily represent the views of Malay Mail.

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