logo
Badenoch launches review into possible ECHR exit

Badenoch launches review into possible ECHR exit

Yahoo2 days ago

Conservative leader Kemi Badenoch is to set up a commission to examine whether the UK should withdraw from a series of international legal agreements and overturn some domestic legislation which she fears may be binding the hands of British governments.
Among the agreements being looked into is the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).
Badenoch is expected to appoint Tory peer and former justice minister Lord Wolfson of Tredegar to chair the commission, which is expected to report by autumn, when the party meets for its annual conference.
Last month, the government announced plans to bring forward legislation to "clarify" the extent to which ECHR would impact UK immigration cases.
Labour's immigration plans at a glance
UK may have to leave human rights treaty, says Badenoch
The ECHR was established in 1950 and sets out the rights and freedoms people are entitled to in the 46 signatory countries.
The treaty is a central part of UK human rights law and has been used to halt attempts to deport migrants who are deemed to be in the UK illegally.
The treaty was also recently cited in a case that allowed a Palestinian family the right to live in the UK, after they originally applied through a scheme designed for Ukrainians.
During the Conservative leadership election, the ECHR became a key dividing line between candidates, with Badenoch telling her party leaving the treaty would not be a "silver bullet" to tackling immigration.
Her nearest rival Robert Jenrick, now shadow justice secretary, argued his party would "die' unless it left the ECHR.
But in February, Badenoch hardened her stance, claiming the UK would "probably have to leave" the treaty it continued to stop the government acting in the country's national interest.
The impact of the ECHR on asylum claims and the deportation of foreign criminals will be examined as part of the Wolfson review, the BBC understands - as will the Refugee Convention.
Domestic law such as the Climate Change Act, the Equality Act and the Human Rights Act are also likely to be looked at.
The party leadership is worried about what is seen as a creeping sense of "lawfare", which senior figures believe contributes to a feeling of stasis and a lack of ability for governments to make substantive changes.
Last month when the government set out its plans for tackling illegal immigration in a White Paper, ministers said they would bring forward legislation to "make it clear that Parliament needs to be able to control our borders and take back control on who comes to and stays in the UK".
The White Paper specifically referred to Article 8 of the ECHR, the right to a family life, and said there was a need to "strike a balance between individual family rights and the wider public interest".
Badenoch will set out her plans in a speech on Friday, just over a month on from local elections in England where the Conservatives were crushed – and a series of opinion polls where support for the party had tumbled into the teens.
The Tories secured 24% of the vote in last year's general election, when they won the fewest seats in their history.
There is growing concern within the party about the resilience of support for Reform UK and the existential threat this poses to the Conservatives.
"It is a make or break summer," one former Conservative cabinet minister told me.
"We are a resilient brand but we have to stay alive. And that's far from certain at the moment."
Sign up for our Politics Essential newsletter to keep up with the inner workings of Westminster and beyond.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

A different kind of D-Day, laden with anxiety among old allies
A different kind of D-Day, laden with anxiety among old allies

Boston Globe

timean hour ago

  • Boston Globe

A different kind of D-Day, laden with anxiety among old allies

Advertisement 'The enemy underestimated the strength of the Allied war cause,' he said from a podium before a modest international crowd and about two dozen American World War II veterans, most around 100 years old, watching from wheelchairs nearby. 'Without the sacrifices of American, French, British and other Allied powers, we would not have a free world ," he said. To many, the speech came as a relief. But still, there was an elephant on the perfectly kept cemetery lawn. D-Day is typically a time to commemorate sacrifice and unity among Allied countries fighting for freedom and liberty against the authoritarianism and tyranny of Nazi Germany. Since Russia invaded Ukraine in 2022, Ukraine's resistance has become a central part of the ceremonies as a strong echo from the past. Last year, President Biden vowed that America would not 'walk away' from the fight, defending a Ukraine that had been 'invaded by a tyrant bent on domination.' Advertisement 'Were we to do that, it means we'd be forgetting what happened here on these hallowed beaches,' he said. 'Make no mistake: We will not bow down. We will not forget.' However, the Trump administration has a very different view of its allies and the Russian invasion. President Trump has said the European Union was created to 'screw the United States' and is threatening it with 50 percent tariffs. He has blamed Ukraine for a war that Russia started. On Thursday, German Chancellor Friedrich Merz, during a visit to the Oval Office, reminded Trump of the anniversary of D-Day and pressed him to use American power to force Russia's retreat. Trump responded by comparing the war to two fighting children in a hockey game, when the referee lets them 'go for a little while before you pull them apart.' Hegseth has similarly shown little interest in supporting Ukraine against its Russian invader. On his last trip to Europe, he announced that a return to Ukraine's pre-2014 borders was 'an unrealistic objective' and ruled out NATO membership for Kyiv. Almost immediately after being sworn into the job, Hegseth dumped America's leadership of the Contact Group — a collection of more than 50 nations to coordinate shipments of military and humanitarian aid to Kyiv. He didn't show up to the group's latest meeting this week. Then, there were his comments on a Signal chat group, created before the American military attack on Houthi militia in Yemen and inadvertently shared with a journalist from The Atlantic. It all cast a shadow on the annual D-Day ceremony — making an event meant to celebrate friendship and shared values feel, as Denis Peschanski, a French historian, put it, 'less comfortable.' Advertisement 'There was no contradiction between the democratic values upheld by the Biden administration and the historical sacrifice of these Americans, as well as these British, these Canadians, well, all those who landed, and the French who were fighting in the Resistance also for the success of this landing,' said Peschanski, who was in charge of the 80th anniversary's scientific advisory board. It was 'obvious' that this year's commemoration would feel awkward without those shared values, he said. The celebration of what Hegseth called the 'greatest amphibious assault in the history of mankind' was more muted than last year. But that had nothing to do with American foreign policy — 81 isn't considered as auspicious as 80, and off-round number years rarely draw huge crowds or heads of state. Still, American and Canadian flags fluttered from hedges, World War II enthusiasts screeched along the narrow roads in vintage jeeps, and ceremonies were planned throughout the 50-mile ribbon of beaches and cliffs. No mention of American aggression was made by French Defense Minister Sébastien Lecornu, either. Instead, he thanked the veterans, saying they embodied the 'unique friendship between our two countries.' To some, Hegseth's criticism of Europe was not entirely off-point, if only because its spine has yet to stiffen sufficiently. 'The problem is, he is right. The EU is pathetic,' said Gérard Araud, former French ambassador to Washington, referring to Hegseth's text. 'In face of US hostility from JD Vance and Trump himself and then Hegseth, there is no appetite for retaliation or responding. They are totally terrified at the prospect of the US dumping Ukraine.' Advertisement Though European countries are committed to continuing to materially and financially help Ukraine maintain its opposition, most believe American support — particularly in intelligence — is essential. So, Araud said of Hegseth, 'everything will be done by the French to seduce him, to try and convince him we are serious on defense and we are working with the Americans and basically, please stay.'

JD Vance silence on Musk may be the most Game of Thrones tactic ever — and Trump might not even notice
JD Vance silence on Musk may be the most Game of Thrones tactic ever — and Trump might not even notice

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

JD Vance silence on Musk may be the most Game of Thrones tactic ever — and Trump might not even notice

The kingdom is in turmoil, the great Houses of Musk and Trump at war, and their subjects forced to choose sides. But as the scheming Littlefinger in Game of Thrones famously said as he plotted to take the King's place: 'chaos is a ladder.' And so it is for JD Vance, the ostensibly loyal vice president, and perhaps the person who stands to benefit the most from the chaos unleashed by the feud between Elon Musk and Donald Trump — which is perhaps why he's remaining uncharacteristically subdued. Vance has never been one to shy away from a fight, especially an online one, especially if it's in defense of his boss. He once launched a 400-word diatribe against historian Niall Ferguson for criticizing Trump's Ukraine policy, slamming his 'moralistic garbage' and 'historical illiteracy.' He had no problem accusing senior members of his own party of 'pettiness' for voting against what Trump wanted, and mocked world leaders who've had run ins with the president. The practicing Catholic even found himself on the wrong side of the Pope himself when he got into another online beef with British politician Rory Stewart over Trump's deportation policies. So one would expect the online warrior to rush to the defense of his president in response to the firestorm of abuse unleashed by Musk against the president on Thursday, which began with accusations of ungratefulness and ended with claims of him being close to Jeffrey Epstein. But Vance has been remarkably quiet. His only public comment at the time of writing has been the kind of terse statement a wife gives in support of a cheating politician spouse. 'President Trump has done more than any person in my lifetime to earn the trust of the movement he leads. I'm proud to stand beside him,' Vance wrote on X. The next day, he continued with his lawyerly posts. 'There are many lies the corporate media tells about President Trump. One of the most glaring is that he's impulsive or short-tempered. Anyone who has seen him operate under pressure knows that's ridiculous,' he wrote. 'It's (maybe) the single biggest disconnect between fake media perception and reality,' he went on. Where was the combative Vance who demanded the Ukrainian president say thank you to his boss in the Oval Office? The one who told Kamala Harris to 'go to hell' over the Biden administration's handling of the withdrawal from Afghanistan? Instead, Vance did not utter Musk's name in the 24 hours since the feud burst into the open. Vance was asked by Trump to remain diplomatic in his dealings with Musk, The Independent learned from a source familiar with the situation. Regardless, the VP has other motivations for keeping quiet. For years, he has been dogged by rumors of dual loyalties between the tech billionaires who fueled his rise and the president he now serves. Vance first came to public attention as the best-selling author of Hillbilly Elegy, a memoir of a rough Appalachian upbringing that many liberals praised as an intellectual explanation of Trump's appeal to the white working class. But before that book set him on a path to Congress and the Senate, he was already being courted by a set of right-wing tech billionaires known as the 'PayPal mafia' — the billionaires Musk, David Sacks and Peter Thiel, who worked together at the pioneering online payments company back in the late Nineties and early Noughties and were bound together by a belief in deregulation, libertarianism and later, by darker right-wing ideology that railed against multiculturalism. Vance was working in venture capital at the time and went to work for Thiel at his San Francisco investment house, Mithril Capital. Thiel would be instrumental to Vance's rise, backing his campaign for Senate in 2021-22 to the tune of $15 million, and reportedly introduced Vance to Trump. The trio of Musk, Sacks and Thiel were instrumental in convincing Trump to choose Vance as his running mate, seeing in him an ideological ally, the libertarian tech investor who could one day take over as president. Some have gone so far as to call Vance a Manchurian Candidate for the tech elite. When the feud between Musk and Trump spilled out into the open, Musk was not shy about announcing his desire for Vance to take over as president. He responded to a tweet calling for Trump to be impeached and replaced with Vance with one word: 'Yes.' That is not an empty threat. Vance's path to the White House would inevitably require the support of Musk, the man who spent $395 million on electing Republicans in 2024. So his decision to ignore Musk's call for mutiny is an interesting — and calculated — choice. Much like Littlefinger, Vance has made sharp ideological turns and formed strategic alliances to find his way to within arm's length of the throne. He was once vehemently opposed to Trump, only to radically change course to stand by his side in his quest for power. But, spoiler alert, his fictional counterpart's calculating and maneuvering didn't end well for him. Trump spent his entire first term weeding out traitors, and claims to have gotten very good at it over the years. Will he be able to sniff out Vance?

Carney launches ‘One Canadian Economy' Act to unify trade, approvals
Carney launches ‘One Canadian Economy' Act to unify trade, approvals

Yahoo

timean hour ago

  • Yahoo

Carney launches ‘One Canadian Economy' Act to unify trade, approvals

-- Prime Minister Mark Carney unveiled sweeping legislation Friday aimed at accelerating the approval of infrastructure projects and removing long-standing internal trade barriers, part of a broader effort to boost Canada's economic potential amid mounting global uncertainty. The One Canadian Economy Act, a centerpiece of the Carney government's pro-growth agenda, seeks to consolidate regulatory processes and create a unified domestic market across the national landscape. 'Canada's a country that used to build big things,' Carney said at a press conference. 'But in recent decades it's become too difficult to build in this country.' To address these concerns, the bill would cut federal project approval times from five years to two by creating a one-stop permitting office and applying a 'one-project, one-review' standard to infrastructure proposals. Projects deemed 'nation-building' by federal cabinet, such as railways, ports, pipelines, and transmission lines, would undergo streamlined assessments focused not on justification, but implementation. These proposals must satisfy at least some of five criteria, including economic benefit, Indigenous engagement, and contributions to climate goals, though officials stress these are considerations rather than strict thresholds. The new approach was partially galvanized by concerns over regulatory paralysis that has slowed Canada's ability to bring natural resources to global markets. 'When federal agencies have examined a new project, their immediate question has been: Why?' Carney said Friday. 'With this bill, we will instead ask ourselves: How?' The legislation also tackles internal trade barriers, which economists estimate cost tens of billions of dollars in lost productivity and economic output annually. A major provision of the bill would recognize provincial standards for goods, services and labor certification as meeting the federal benchmark, though actual interprovincial mobility will still require the cooperation of provincial governments. Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has expressed skepticism over the bill's broader impact, calling the internal trade components 'a small step.' 'It's baby steps when we needed a giant leap,' Poilievre said Friday, while suggesting provinces be offered cash incentives to dismantle remaining trade barriers. While some provinces have already commenced bilateral trade agreements, others remain hesitant. The federal government says its own contributions include the elimination of all exemptions to the Canadian Free Trade Agreement by July 1, with the broader hope that harmonization efforts will follow across jurisdictions. Related articles Carney launches 'One Canadian Economy' Act to unify trade, approvals US job growth in May tops forecasts, but Macquarie warns cracks are emerging Fed's Harker says rate cuts this year still possible

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store