
Summer reading: How a Liberal toppled Pierre Poilievre and won Carleton riding
Also? Most candidates on the ballot don't win their campaign. Only one person per riding does. All the others, who work just as hard as the winners, go back to their previous lives and never go near that parliamentary pension.
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I've covered politics for well over 20 years, and in my experience, most people get into it to serve. They have ideas they want to put forward and causes to champion. They have benefited from the community and want to give back. Some may think a stint as an MP will look great on their resume (it would), but they are primarily concerned with how to be of service to others.
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Whatever the reasons to become a politician, laziness is not among them. Members of Parliament work hard, most of the time very far away from home. I'm not trying to make them sound like they need pity or anything, simply pointing out that while the pay is good once you do get elected, the work is arduous. It's a job.
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Why would someone like Bruce Fanjoy, recently retired from a successful career in the private sector, launch himself into a fight against the most difficult and unpleasant politician we've seen in this country in a very long time?
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You have to go out and meet people, some of whom want nothing to do with you. This was especially true for Fanjoy in 2023 and 2024, when the federal Liberals had ceased being popular, and I'm trying to be nice when I put it that way.
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I went to a few events with him and his wife Donna in the summer of 2023. The first one was Canada Day, at Claudette Cain Park in Riverside South. Bruce would introduce himself and offer a card with his photo, basic information, and the website his brother Stephen had set up for his campaign.
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By that point it had been nearly two years since the September 2021 general election which had returned the second Liberal minority — the first minority being in 2019. By 2023, after the pandemic, the bloom was off the Trudeau rose.
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As I walked behind the Fanjoys, camera in hand, I saw many people stiffening up when they realized the smiling man was hoping to run for Team Trudeau. A few refused to have anything to do with a Liberal, but they did so politely. Most of the people we met reacted with a surprised chuckle. 'Wow,' they seemed to think. 'You're either very brave or slightly off your rocker.'
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Canada Day is not a political rally, so Fanjoy was careful to keep interactions short, especially when the people he was talking to had children and were preoccupied with picnics more than politics. A few people offered kind words of encouragement and a couple thanked him for proposing an alternative to the Conservatives.
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For over two years, Bruce Fanjoy has gone out in his community every day to meet people. He repeated his story thousands upon thousands of times. Who he is, what he believes in, and how what he's done in his life up to that point will help him unseat Poilievre, and give the people of Carleton the kind of federal representation they deserve.
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He was also clear and transparent with the people he met that he was doing it to put a serious dent in the toxicity that's taken over the Conservative party since the trucker wing elected the only leadership candidate who openly supported them.
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Even though he'd been involved in his community for many years, as a hockey dad, an activist and a board member of Bike Ottawa, the exercise of knocking on doors was a powerful lesson in humility as Fanjoy discovered how many people had no sweet clue who he was. Eventually, word of mouth started doing what it does best and when people opened their door, they would exclaim things like, 'Oh! It's you! I was wondering when you'd show up!'
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Politics can be more ungrateful than the worst teenager. But it can also be rewarding. One of the most memorable people Fanjoy encountered early in his campaign was a person who moved to Canada many years ago and was a permanent resident but not a citizen yet, because they'd never taken that final step. That person went through the process and officially became a Canadian citizen a few months after meeting Bruce Fanjoy, just so they could vote for him.
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The polling aggregator 338Canada has consistently shown (Carleton) riding as Conservative blue. Fair enough, I guess, until a stunning upset at the ballot box.
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When I first chatted with Fanjoy about the possibility of running against Poilievre, I thought his odds weren't exceptionally good, but I knew they were better than the polls would suggest.
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I had a few reasons for thinking that. First and foremost, the occupation of Ottawa … suffice to say for now that for most people in the Ottawa area, the occupation of our downtown was an affront we won't forget anytime soon.
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Another reason is that while the Trudeau Liberals had outstayed their welcome, most Canadians did not appreciate Poilievre's tone, and plenty of voters worried he would be ideologically too far to the right.
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You'd be amazed to hear how many variations there are of 'You're wasting your time' and Bruce Fanjoy has heard every single one of them. But in a democracy, campaigning to offer voters a choice is never a waste of time.
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The funny thing is, the more doors he knocked on, the more convinced he became that what the poll aggregators were saying about Carleton was not a true refection of what the voters of Carleton said when he took the time to listen to them.
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I am working my way through Ernest Hemingway's Islands in the Stream for the first time ever, after a dear friend and great writer recommended it. Growing up in French-speaking Quebec, we didn't overly study this author, and discovering him in my 50s is … eye-opening. I appreciate his economy of words in dialogue, and the love story he has so much difficulty acknowledging. Pairs well with a glass of rosé around dinner time.
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Vancouver Sun
an hour ago
- Vancouver Sun
This Day in History, 1947: 'Bellicose and irrepressible' mayor Gerry McGeer dies in office
At about 10:15 p.m. on Aug. 10, 1947 Vancouver Mayor Gerry McGeer finished up some work in his study and laid down on a couch. At 10 a.m. the following morning, his driver came to pick up McGeer to go to city hall, but he was dead. McGeer had had a fatal heart attack in his sleep. He was 59. McGeer had previously had some health problems — he was bedridden with appendicitis and peritonitis (inflammation of the belly) during the 1946 campaign for mayor. 'He underwent an emergency operation Dec. 2 and spent the rest of the campaign period in hospital,' the Province noted on Aug. 11. Discover the best of B.C.'s recipes, restaurants and wine. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. A welcome email is on its way. If you don't see it, please check your junk folder. The next issue of West Coast Table will soon be in your inbox. Please try again Interested in more newsletters? Browse here. 'He fought the same hard campaign he always fought, in spite of his illness, fighting for votes in radio speeches from his hospital bed.' He won in a landslide. The city was shocked at his sudden death eight months later — there had been speculation he was going to make a run for prime minister if Mackenzie King stepped down. Gerald Gratton McGeer was born in Winnipeg on Jan. 6, 1888, one of 13 children. The family moved to Vancouver two years later, where his Irish father Jim McGeer became well-known for his eloquence and political bent. He passed both traits on to his son. Gerry McGeer was an impatient youth: the Province said he quit high school at 14 because he thought the education system 'medieval.' So his father got him as job as an iron moulder. 'He was a cocky little squirt, but the hardest working little guy you ever saw,' one of his co-workers said years later. 'The description was prophetic of McGeer the politician and reformer,' said the Province. 'Bellicose and irrepressible, fond of his own eloquence, at times showy and bombastic, but with a fact-filled memory and a cool, calculating brain underlying all his fireworks.' In his political career he was a fierce opponent of the left. But the Province said in his iron moulder days he became a union official, and 'took a leading role in organizing several Vancouver strikes.' He attended Dalhousie Law School in Halifax and was admitted to the B.C. bar in 1915. A year later he successfully ran for the B.C. legislature in Richmond as a Liberal. After a stint in the army in the First World War, he ran for the federal Liberals in Vancouver Centre in 1920, but lost. He then thrived as a lawyer, being named a King's Counsel in 1921. But politics was his true calling. He became a Liberal MLA again in 1933 and in 1934 entered the civic arena, winning a landslide victory over Vancouver's longest-serving mayor L.D. Taylor. People had been arguing over whether to build a new city hall for decades but McGeer finally got it done, opening the city's current art deco city hall in 1935. But his term as mayor was stormy: he read the riot act at Victory Square after unemployed men occupied the Hudson's Bay store on April 23, 1935. He then moved the proposed city hall out of downtown to 12th and Cambie, which was heavily criticized. He was elected as a reformer, and in his first week in office fired the police chief and two magistrates. He declared war on vice and had the cops confiscate 1,000 slot machines. He was so ubiquitous in Vancouver, newspaper headlines often referred to him as simply 'Gerry.' He left both civic and provincial politics after he won Vancouver Burrard in the federal election in 1935. But he became obsessed with currency reform and what the Sun called 'monetary theories of his own devising,' and was never named to a federal cabinet. Still he was well-known across Canada because of his speeches. A wag once said McGeer suffered from 'inflammation of the vowels.' 'Ebullient, controversial, hard-hitting, voluble, and at times flamboyant, he never failed to capture the imagination of a public, which time after time gave him resounding, record-smashing majorities at the polls,' said the Sun after his death. He was re-elected as MP in 1940 and was named to the Senate in 1945. But he called it 'a mausoleum' and successfully ran for Vancouver mayor again in 1946. His nephew Pat McGeer kept the family name alive in the provincial legislature as a Liberal and Social Credit MLA and cabinet minister from 1962 to 1996. jmackie@

CBC
8 hours ago
- CBC
Can the ZEV mandate survive political pressure and industry objections?
Social Sharing With the federal carbon tax dead and gone, Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre has found a new target among the Liberal government's climate policies — the electric vehicle availability standard, otherwise known as the zero-emission vehicle (ZEV) mandate. "We will legalize, into the future, your right to drive a gas or diesel-powered truck or car by repealing the Liberal EV mandate," Poilievre said last week, while restating his desire to see a number of Liberal policies repealed. In a Conservative fundraising email in June, Poilievre's deputy leader, Melissa Lantsman, put the issue in even more bracing terms, writing that the "radical Liberals" were planning to make gas-powered vehicles "illegal" and "force" people to buy "expensive" EVs. Appealing to supporters in rural areas — where EVs might be less practical at the moment — Lantsman added that "Liberals in Ottawa and in busy downtown cores think they know better than you." On Thursday, Poilievre announced that Conservatives would be launching a " nationwide campaign" to stop the mandate. The Conservative leader is smart enough to know he is pushing against a policy that is already under pressure. But that may set up the ZEV mandate as a test of the ability of Mark Carney's government to defend and meaningfully advance climate policy — a test Justin Trudeau's government arguably failed on the carbon tax. Whether or not the Charter can be read to give Canadians the "right" to own an internal-combustion engine, it's not quite the case that gas-powered vehicles will be made illegal. More specifically, the ZEV mandate establishes a series of escalating light-duty vehicle sales targets for auto manufacturers and importers, starting at 20 per cent in 2026 and reaching 100 per cent in 2035. Companies have some flexibility if they are unable or unwilling to meet the annual target — they can buy credits from other sellers or invest in charging infrastructure. The debate over EV policy Advocates of action to fight climate change have supported mandates as a way to guarantee a predictable supply of EVs and accelerate adoption — British Columbia and Quebec have each had ZEV mandates for several years. But North American automakers have bristled at the prospect of additional regulation and would prefer to stick with less-prescriptive regulations aimed at emissions from passenger vehicles. Though those "tailpipe" standards have typically been harmonized with the United States and the Trump administration is currently intent on repealing its regulations. Automakers have called on Carney's government to change or scrap the mandate. Against the backdrop of a trade war, the government seems willing to hear them out — Industry Minister Mélanie Joly told the Globe and Mail in July that the government was working with industry to "find what would be that right level." WATCH | Automakers want EV mandate removed: Automakers push Ottawa to drop EV mandates 1 month ago In arguing against the mandate, the auto industry also now points to a recent slump in EV sales in Canada. But auto executives themselves have said the recent slump is a " direct response" to changes in the rebates offered by federal and provincial governments. The federal government's EV incentive ended in January, Quebec's incentive was temporarily paused in February and British Columbia halted its rebate program in May. The Carney government has said it's working on a new rebate, but that promise might be pushing prospective buyers to wait. Joanna Kyriazis, director of public affairs at Clean Energy Canada, says the Liberal government should broadly stay the course with its mandate, but there are compromises it could make. The Liberals could, for instance, build in additional flexabilities or adjust some of the near-term targets. It could even adjust the ultimate target of 2035. "If this idea of a 100 per cent sales target is really polarizing and really scary to Canadians, then bring it down to 95 per cent — show that there's room for the niche applications or niche situations where in 10 years EVs still might not work," Kyriazis says, though adding that she thinks the technology will have advanced enough by then that such an allowance won't be necessary. Such changes might have the effect of watering down the initial policy without deviating from the larger goal — significantly increasing the use of non-gas-powered vehicles for the sake of reducing the greenhouse gas emissions that cause climate change. "[The current sales targets are] in line with where the rest of the world is going," Kyriazis argues. "North America is on a little detour right now, but in the rest of the world, EV sales keep on rising." Worldwide, electric vehicles and plug-in hybrids accounted for 22 per cent of all new car sales in 2024, according to data from the International Energy Agency. In Canada, according to the IEA, EVs accounted for 17 per cent of all sales (Statistics Canada says it was 14 per cent). In the U.K. — where a Conservative government introduced a ZEV mandate in 2024, which was then amended by a Labour government — EVs accounted for 28 per cent of all new cars sold last year. In France, they accounted for 24 per cent. "If you look at jurisdictions that have high levels of EV adoption, it's because they have put in place the conditions to create strong consumer demand. So you have incentives … and you have a much more effective charging infrastructure rollout," says Brian Kingston, president of the Canadian Vehicle Manufacturers' Association, which represents Ford, General Motors and Stellantis. Beyond the question of which type of regulations make more sense, that argument might make the case for governments putting even more money toward building charging infrastructure, alongside reintroducing rebates for consumers. The politics of EVs In the meantime, there will be a political fight — and it will apparently be waged in terms of a culture war. In a video posted in June, Poilievre said the mandate was not about reducing emissions, but about "imposing elite ideology on the common people." The last time a federal climate policy came under this much concentrated pressure, the carbon tax suffered from both the surging inflation that followed the pandemic and the falling popularity of the prime minister who introduced it. The Trudeau government then undercut its own policy with a carve-out aimed at voters in one region of the country. Appearing before a Senate committee not long after the Trudeau government made that move, Mark Carney said that "if something is going to be changed, then something at least as good is put in its place. Ideally, if you're going to change something, you put in place something better that still has that credibility and predictability that has the power that drives investment." That stated principle might hang over whatever the Carney government is considering now. Ultimately — for Carney and Poilievre, for Canadians in urban and rural communities — there is the unforgiving math of climate change and greenhouse gas emissions. Canada is currently aiming to reduce its total national emissions by at least 40 per cent below 2005 levels by 2030. The federal government is further aiming to reach net-zero emissions by 2050. The transportation sector accounted for 156.6 megatonnes of emissions in 2023 — 22.6 per cent of Canada's total emissions. Specifically, passenger cars and light trucks for 91.5 megatonnes — 13.2 per cent of the national total.


Winnipeg Free Press
9 hours ago
- Winnipeg Free Press
Singer's upcoming performance controversial
As of this writing, Sean Feucht — the controversial right-wing and pro-Trump evangelical Christian worship leader — is still slated to perform in Winnipeg on Aug. 20. Originally, he was scheduled to play and preach in Central Park. But the city refused to issue him a permit after determining it was not feasible due to the large number of people (2,000) Feucht claimed would be there. In denying him a permit, Winnipeg joined other cities across Canada that either refused him a permit or cancelled previously-issued permissions to play in public parks and other settings due to his anti-COCID lockdown, anti-Black Lives Matter and anti-LGBTTQ+ rhetoric. Jose Luis Magana / The Associated Press files Christian musician Sean Feucht sings during a rally at the National Mall in Washington, Oct. 25, 2020. In those other locations, Feucht found private places to play and preach — which is his right, just as people in this country have a right to invite him to perform. He might do the same in Winnipeg, too. While his visit has prompted a lot of media attention, this is not the first time the controversial singer has been to Canada. He sang and preached in Edmonton in 2022 and Calgary, Vancouver and Ottawa in 2023. But his presence back then didn't generate much in the way of media attention. There are a number of worrisome aspects to Feucht's visit, including how some might be tempted to lump Canadian evangelicals together with his brand of evangelical Christianity. In fact, he is quite unlike the majority of evangelical Christians in this country. Although it's true that most Canadian evangelicals lean towards the Conservative Party, many others vote Liberal and NDP. They are not at all like their co-religionists in the U.S., where about 80 per cent of evangelicals voted for Donald Trump. In fact, I suspect most Canadian evangelicals would be very uncomfortable with Feucht's in-your-face style. That's not how the vast majority would conduct themselves in public. It's also worth noting that, as far I can tell, Feucht was not invited to Canada by any Canadian group. He says he was 'sent' to Canada to bring his message, although he doesn't say who sent him. He seems to have decided to come here all on his own. Before deciding to come, it might have helped if Feucht had done some homework about Canada. If he had, he would have discovered that Canada's culture and context is not at all like the U.S. While his Fox News style views may be acceptable to many in the U.S., they are not welcome by most people here — just like Trump's talk of Canada being the 51st state is off-putting to the vast majority of Canadians. What Feucht also gets wrong is assuming what's true for him as a Christian in the U.S. must be true all over the world. It's the worst kind of American hubris, the kind that drives the rest of us crazy. If he had done a bit of research, Feucht would realize his not being persecuted for his faith or beliefs. It's because of how he shares them. That's not how Canadians like to talk to each other over difficult and challenging subjects. For proof, consider that many religious groups are also opposed to abortion and have views on LGBTTQ+ that are different from the majority of Canadians. But nobody calls for their services to be cancelled or prevents them from holding public rallies, even though they might attract protestors. And why is that? It's because unlike Feucht, most religious groups in Canada that hold positions contrary to public opinion are respectful in sharing their views (even if a few on the fringe might be shrill in trying to force those minority views on others). So where does this leave us? First, the uproar over Feucht should remind Canadian religious groups about the importance of respectful dialogue and active listening when it comes to difficult and controversial issues. Everyone has a right to our opinions, as long as they don't venture into the area of hate, but we also have an obligation to hear each other and find ways to live together peacefully in this land. Sundays Kevin Rollason's Sunday newsletter honouring and remembering lives well-lived in Manitoba. Second, Feucht may believe he is coming to bring 'revival' to Canada, but the opposite will likely happen. Sure, there may be a few Christians who like what he says. But research consistently shows that one of the main reasons people leave Christianity is due to the harsh, judgemental, anti-LGBTTQ+ and pro-Trump positions taken by many evangelical Christians in the U.S. — the same ones that Feucht touts and represents. His coming, in other words, may cause more people to decide against Christianity than to be interested in it. But maybe Feucht's coming to Canada will end up being a gift to Christians in this country, in a backwards sort of way by causing them to reflect on the best ways to show faith to others. Is it to be loud and brash, or is it best to quietly be of service in their communities? I think most will choose the latter. And his visit could prompt Christians in Canada to ask if Feucht doesn't represent what faith looks like to them, then what does a Canadian version of Christianity looks like? If that happens, then maybe his visit, and all the negative media attention it produced, will be worth it. faith@ The Free Press is committed to covering faith in Manitoba. If you appreciate that coverage, help us do more! Your contribution of $10, $25 or more will allow us to deepen our reporting about faith in the province. Thanks! BECOME A FAITH JOURNALISM SUPPORTER John LonghurstFaith reporter John Longhurst has been writing for Winnipeg's faith pages since 2003. He also writes for Religion News Service in the U.S., and blogs about the media, marketing and communications at Making the News. Read full biography Our newsroom depends on a growing audience of readers to power our journalism. If you are not a paid reader, please consider becoming a subscriber. Our newsroom depends on its audience of readers to power our journalism. Thank you for your support.