South Sudan's military recaptures key town from White Army militia
South Sudan's army said it had recaptured a key town in Upper Nile state that it lost to an ethnic Nuer militia in March in clashes which led to the arrest of First Vice-President Riek Machar and a spiralling political crisis.
President Salva Kiir has served in an uneasy power-sharing government with Machar since a 2018 peace deal ended a civil war between fighters loyal to the two men which killed hundreds of thousands of people.
Machar's detention under house arrest, for trying to stir up a rebellion through his supposed support for the White Army militia in Upper Nile, has ignited international fears of renewed conflict along ethnic lines.
Spokespeople for the military and White Army, which Machar's party denies backing, said Nasir town was re-captured on Sunday without a fight.
"We were just taking a tactical withdrawal," said Honson Chuol James, White Army spokesperson, adding that 17 people were killed during heavy bombardment of the nearby village of Thuluc.
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South Sudan clashes block aid to 60,000 malnourished children
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MSF hospital bombed in South Sudan
JUBA - Doctors Without Borders (MSF) said one of its hospitals in South Sudan had been bombed early on Saturday, with at least seven people killed by airstrikes in the area. South Sudan has descended into renewed conflict in recent months due to the collapse of a power-sharing agreement between rival generals, President Salva Kiir and First Vice-President Riek Machar. MSF said its hospital in Old Fangak in the north of the country had been bombed, destroying its pharmacy and all its medical supplies. A patient and staff member were injured. "The attack began at around 4:30 am (0130 GMT) when two helicopter gunships first dropped a bomb on the MSF pharmacy, burning it to the ground, then went on to fire on the town of Old Fangak for around 30 minutes," MSF said in a statement. It said a drone bombed the town's market next to the hospital at around 7 am, leading to at least seven deaths and wounding 20 people. "The hospital is clearly marked as a hospital. I don't think it was an accident," Mamman Mustapha, MSF's head of mission in South Sudan, told AFP by phone. "We've been there since 2014, we've shared our coordinates. They know us. And they continued shelling on the civilian population as well," he added. The hospital is the only one in the county, serving a population of more than 110,000 people in an area with extremely limited access to healthcare. It has not been an area at the centre of renewed clashes between the forces of Kiir and Machar in recent months. But the attack came a day after the Kiir-aligned army chief, Paul Majok Nang, threatened attacks in Fangak and Leer counties in response to a number of boats and barges being "hijacked". An army statement on Friday accused members of Machar's forces and its allies in the so-called White Army, a militia drawn from the vice president's ethnic Nuer community, of being behind the hijackings, which led to passengers and crew being "held hostage" and ransoms demanded. A spokesman for Machar's forces described the hijacking claims as "false" and called on the international community to investigate Saturday's assault. 'Considered hostile' Biel Boutros Biel, a local official in Fangak County, confirmed that bombings had hit the area around 4 am on Saturday. In a recorded statement, he said they were carried out by a drone and plane, displacing "over 30,000 people" and said a nine-month-old boy was among those killed. "These planes belonged to the government of South Sudan," he said. Last week, an opposition lawmaker accused Kiir's government of preparing a "genocide" of the Nuer community after it classified nine out of 16 Nuer-majority counties as "hostile", meaning aligned with Machar's party. South Sudan has been plagued by instability since gaining independence from Sudan in 2011. Kiir and Machar represent the two largest ethnic groups, the Dinka and Nuer, respectively. They fought a civil war between 2013 and 2018 that cost some 400,000 lives. An MSF hospital was also looted by gunmen in Ulang county, Upper Nile state last month.
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29-04-2025
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Tensions escalate in South Sudan as Kiir's power moves threaten fragile peace and national unity
As a guarantor of the peace agreement, the African Union must urgently take action to de-escalate political tensions. On 26 March 2025, security personnel led by South Sudan's defence minister and national security chief entered First Vice-President Riek Machar's home, disarmed and removed his security detail, and placed him under house arrest. The catalyst was his alleged role in recent skirmishes between the Dinka-dominated South Sudan People's Defence Forces (SSPDF) and the Nuer militia White Army. These erupted in early March, reportedly triggered by a disagreement over a long overdue rotation of the SSPDF's soldiers in Nasir garrison. Information Minister Michael Makuei said the arrests were directed by President Salva Kiir to prevent attacks on government installations and safeguard the 2018 Revitalised Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of South Sudan. The government also arrested several influential opposition ministers and high-ranking military officers from the Sudan People's Liberation Movement-in-Opposition. Airstrikes were authorised in Nasir County and around Juba, and some opposition members have gone into hiding. National tensions have been rising, with unilateral reshuffles in the transitional government of national unity, including at vice-president level. The reshuffles are allegedly linked to Kiir's attempt to orchestrate his succession outside the revitalised agreement. This reveals deep mistrust between the country's two leaders and contravenes the 2018 peace agreement. Complete collapse Given the African Union's (AU) prior investment in stabilising South Sudan, swift action is imperative to prevent a complete collapse. This requires a clear understanding of the causes and implications of the evolving crisis, and the immediate options available to the Peace and Security Council. The violence in Nasir and other areas is a continuation of intermittent violence, institutional fragility, intense political divisions and exclusionary politics that have characterised South Sudan since independence in 2011. Due to longstanding mistrust between Kiir and Machar, neither has unified their armed groups into one national force. This mistrust has fuelled secondary fears tied to the uncertainty of elections and attempts to neutralise holdout groups and influential government figures through mediation and reshuffling. While both leaders are central to national disagreements, conflicts affecting several payams, counties and states overlay national politics, creating a complex interplay between state and national dynamics. In Nasir, national disputes shaped county decisions and snowballed into a pretext to reconfigure transitional government relationships. Similarly, the struggle to maintain the country's patronage infrastructure in the army and body politic remains deep seated. Some interpret Kiir's repeated cabinet reshuffles as counterproductive efforts to assert control over the transitional government amid waning financial leverage and a failing economy. The economic downturn is associated with the sharp decline in oil revenues caused by years of financial mismanagement and Sudan's civil war. Oil accounts for 90% of South Sudan's revenue, and disruptions reduced daily production by about 68% between December 2024 and January 2025. This has undermined political leaders' efforts to sustain patronage and command the loyalty of their armed factions. The integrity and sustainability of the revitalised agreement power-sharing arrangement depend on dialogue among the parties. However, Kiir's unilateral decision making creates the perception that he is consolidating power or preparing for a transition that excludes the opposition and others. The divisions that follow each dismissal have intensified tensions, leading to repeated extensions of the transitional timeframe. Ethnic tensions The recent Nasir violence highlights the failure to even minimally implement the revitalised agreement and its milestones, and has reinforced the ongoing economic distress and mistrust amid ethnic tensions. This has brought the country to a crossroads with various possible outcomes, two of which stand out. First, and most likely, the SSPDF, its associated militia, and armed groups such as the White Army, become entrenched in their positions, attracting additional actors on all sides. Since the Nasir outbreak, all factions have sought revenge for their losses, reinforcing their positions or protecting themselves from perceived threats. This outcome is supported by the ongoing aerial and ground campaigns against the opposition in parts of the country, particularly outside Juba and in Upper Nile. This is evident in government officials' increasingly aggressive rhetoric, the postponement of an Intergovernmental Authority on Development ministers' visit, and the engagement of ethnic groups such as the Shilluk and Equatorias. This outcome could see the collapse of the already precarious peace process. Even the Tumaini high-level process, which was intended to advance the revitalised agreement, is now in limbo. The less likely second scenario is that Machar and some of his lieutenants receive a conditional release, which could lead to an improved but still tense situation. Taban Deng Gai, the vice-president responsible for infrastructure, has advised Machar — while he awaits investigation and trial — to renounce the White Army and allow the government to integrate opposition forces into the SSPDF. However, this would essentially amount to Machar's surrender — and is improbable, as renouncing the White Army would alienate the opposition leader from the Nuer community. Such events would undermine Machar and create opportunities for Kiir's chosen transition actors to dominate the political scene. The degree to which Kiir continues to limit Machar's power will depend largely on Machar's influence in preventing the ascent of Kiir's preferred successors. At the crossroads of these two scenarios is a slim window to salvage the peace process. However, it will become increasingly difficult to address the complex dynamics, including South Sudan's military agreement with Uganda, which may extend beyond the AU Panel of the Wise's scope. Possible escalation In light of possible escalation, the AU — as a revitalised agreement guarantor — must act fast to support ongoing regional de-escalation measures. In addition to Peace and Security Council meetings and calling for the AU High-Level Ad Hoc Committee of Five on South Sudan to support Intergovernmental Authority on Development efforts, the AU could create a contact group with the authority to focus on day-to-day de-escalation measures. A start would be establishing what happened in Nasir and who is responsible. The Peace and Security Council should try to secure the release not just of Machar but all opposition officials who have been arbitrarily detained. The officials should also be reinstated in the structures outlined by the revitalised agreement. These actions are vital to maintain the integrity of the power-sharing agreement. Delayed regional and continental engagement could see violence worsen and the window to salvage the peace process closing further. DM
