
Another 70 homes added to new Melton Mowbray development
A viability report showed the developer could not afford to make financial contributions to infrastructure and services due to the "significant abnormal costs" of developing the site, the Local Democracy Reporting Service said.At a previous meeting, a planning agent speaking on behalf the developer said the company would give the borough and county council £580,000 as part of a financial agreement known as an overage payment should planning permission be granted.
'Catch-22'
The committee on Melton Borough Council voted in December to defer its decision to allow planning officers time to investigate alternative sources of funding which might enable the developer to make a S106 contribution. In a report, planning officers said there were two grants the scheme would be eligible for – but the grants can only be applied for once planning permission is already in place, and even then, the applications might be unsuccessful.Councillor Siggy Atherton described the situation as a "catch-22", and said the developer would win "hands down" at appeal should it be refused.But she added: "Travelling through Melton this last couple of mornings, it's mayhem. With more households having at least two cars – that's just [the impact] on the roads without thinking schools, doctors."

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The Guardian
a day ago
- The Guardian
Labour preparing to use public-private funding model for NHS in England
Labour is preparing to kick off a new wave of public-private partnerships (PPPs) in England to build the neighbourhood health centres at the heart of its NHS 10-year plan. Ministers will make a final decision in the autumn budget about whether to use the funding approach, which was put on pause eight years ago. But critics say lessons have not been learned about the pitfalls of PPPs, and point to the chaos unleashed by the 2018 collapse of the mega-contractor Carillion, with its complex portfolio of projects. While it was originally conceived under the Conservatives, Tony Blair's Labour government made significant use of the private finance initiative (PFI), a form of PPP used to build schools, hospitals and other public infrastructure, without adding to the national debt. Backers of PFI say this approach allowed public infrastructure to be built that otherwise would not exist; but opponents say the taxpayer was often left footing huge bills for inflexible contracts that ran for as long as 30 years. Treasury data shows that 560 PFI contracts are outstanding in England, for projects including schools, hospitals, libraries and road maintenance. Hundreds of these contracts will end in the coming years, raising questions about the state of the assets being inherited by the taxpayer, and potentially triggering legal battles about the precise conditions of 'handback'. A report last year from the Association of Infrastructure Investors in Public Private Partnerships (AIIP), chaired by the Labour peer and former frontbencher John Hutton, warned of the risk of 'serious disruption' as these deals come to an end, amid what it called 'mistrust between the parties to some PFI contracts'. Rachel Reeves will be under no illusion about the pitfalls of PPP, having chaired the House of Commons business select committee when MPs examined the fate of Carillion, which was enmeshed in a number of PFI deals as well as being a direct contractor to government. However, the government is under pressure to transform the UK's crumbling public services, with limited resources, and recent announcements have made clear that ministers are ready to dip their toe into this controversial area. The 10-year infrastructure strategy, published in June, said the government would 'explore the feasibility of using new PPP models for taxpayer-funded projects (for example in decarbonising the public sector estate and in certain types of primary care and community health infrastructure) in very limited circumstances where they could represent value for money'. Scotland and Wales have developed their own, alternative approaches to public private partnerships, called 'non-profit distributing' partnerships and the 'mutual investment model' respectively. Darren Jones, chief secretary to the Treasury, says reviving PPP in England could 'allow us to do more, quicker, than you would otherwise be able to do'. He is clear that that includes neighbourhood health centres, which are meant to transform NHS care by shifting more treatment out of hospitals. The NHS 10-year plan made a commitment to 'develop a business case for the use of public private partnerships for neighbourhood health centres, ahead of a final decision at the autumn budget'. Jones said: 'We've got the new hospital programme building stuff, which is obviously huge. We've got the maintenance backlog, which is huge. We've chosen to invest a lot in technology to improve productivity and diagnostics and all that type of stuff. And you don't have an infinite budget. So if there's an innovative way of delivering a key objective for us, that's what we're trying to make happen.' Nevertheless, there is some anxiety inside and outside government about the risks attached to potential contracts, even if they are much more narrowly conceived than the mega-projects of the Blair years. When the NHS 10-year plan was launched, Unison's general secretary, Christina McAnea, warned: 'Basing any funding on a failed market system and expensive private finance model would be a major error, especially with money so tight.' Sign up to Business Today Get set for the working day – we'll point you to all the business news and analysis you need every morning after newsletter promotion The legacy of previous waves of public private partnership is complex. Research this year, by the economist Max Mosley, then at the National Institute of Economic and Social Research, looked at 1,000 schools built through PFI. It found that £13.5bn was being spent at local level on repayments, 31% of which was going on interest. Mosley, now at the New Economics Foundation, said: 'When PFI projects failed it carried devastating consequences, from huge costs levied on hospitals, to state-of-the-art schools having to close down. 'Clarity is crucial. We need to understand what types of services are in scope, how risk will be managed, and how the mistakes of the past will be avoided.' Backers of PPPs argue that the assets being handed back to the public sector when decades-long contracts come to an end are in better condition than crumbling public buildings whose upkeep has been left to the taxpayer. A recent National Audit Office report on the use of PPPs to fund public infrastructure called for a series of changes, including better sharing of risk between taxpayers and investors. 'Departments should assess risks, determine who is best placed to bear them, and design agreements that clearly establish the corresponding risk allocation,' said one recommendation. Hutton, of the AIIP, said that 'despite the myths', PFI had delivered 'hundreds of schools, hospitals and health centres that would have never otherwise been built, with ringfenced maintenance'. He added: 'PPPs operate in every other western economy. By applying the lessons learned and harnessing technology to reduce complexity and avoid disputes, PPP can rebuild our vital public services with buildings that will stand for decades to come.' Labour has set up a new body, the National Infrastructure and Service Transformation Authority, to be the government's centre of expertise on these issues, though sceptics argue that it is more of a rebranding exercise than a significant beefing-up of resource. Iain Murray, the director of public financial management at Cipfa, the professional body for public sector finance experts, said it was understandable that PPP was back on the table but that its success would depend on learning the lessons from earlier generations of projects. 'A lot of these deals were modelled in [a] low-inflation, low-interest-rate environment and all of a sudden the world turns on its head – and that's not just about the money, it's about the services they're providing to the public,' he said. 'How do you build that flexibility in? Is there a way you can think about structuring those deals to get the kinds of outcomes you want?'


The Guardian
3 days ago
- The Guardian
The Guardian view on Britain's AI strategy: the risk is that it is dependency dressed up in digital hype
There was a time when Britain aspired to be a leader in technology. These days, it seems content to be a willing supplicant – handing over its data, infrastructure and public services to US tech giants in exchange for the promise of a few percentage points of efficiency gains. Worryingly, the artificial intelligence strategy of Sir Keir Starmer's government appears long on rhetoric, short on sovereignty and built on techno-utopian assumptions. Last week Peter Kyle, the technology secretary, was promoting the use of AI-generated discharge letters in the NHS. The tech, he said, will process complex conversations between doctors and patients, slashing paperwork and streamlining services. Ministers say that by applying AI across the public sector, the government can save £45bn. But step back and a more familiar pattern emerges. As Cecilia Rikap, a researcher at University College London, told the Politics Theory Other podcast, Britain risks becoming a satellite of the US tech industry – a nation whose public infrastructure serves primarily as a testing ground and data source for American AI models hosted on US-owned cloud computing networks. She warned that the UK should not become a site of 'extractivism', in which value – whether in the form of knowledge, labour or electricity – is supplied by Britain but monetised in the US. It's not just that the UK lacks a domestic cloud ecosystem. It's that the government's strategy does nothing to build one. The concern is that public data, much of it drawn from the NHS and local authorities, will be shovelled into models built and trained abroad. The value captured from that data – whether in the form of model refinement or product development – will accrue not to the British public, but to US shareholders. Even the promise of job creation appears shaky. Datacentres, the physical backbone of AI, are capital-intensive, energy-hungry, and each one employs only about 50 people. Meanwhile, Daron Acemoglu, the MIT economist and Nobel laureate, offers a still more sobering view: far from ushering in a golden age of labour augmentation, today's AI rollout is geared almost entirely toward labour displacement. Prof Acemoglu sees a fork: AI can empower workers – or replace them. Right now, it is doing the latter. Ministerial pledges of productivity gains may just mean fewer jobs – not better services. The deeper problem is one of imagination. A government serious about digital sovereignty might build a public cloud, fund open-source AI models and create institutions capable of steering technological development toward social ends. Instead, we are offered efficiency-by-outsourcing – an AI strategy where Britain provides the inputs and America reaps the returns. In a 2024 paper, Prof Acemoglu challenged Goldman Sachs' 10-year forecast that AI would lead to global growth of 7% – about $7tn – and estimated instead under $1tn in gains. Much of this would be captured by US big tech. There's nothing wrong with harnessing new technologies. But their deployment must not be structured in a way that entrenches dependency and hollows out public capacity. The Online Safety Act shows digital sovereignty can enforce national rules on global platforms, notably on porn sites. But current turmoil at the Alan Turing Institute suggests a deeper truth: the UK government is dazzled by American AI and has no clear plan of its own. Britain risks becoming not a tech pioneer, but a well-governed client state in someone else's digital empire. Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.


Business News Wales
3 days ago
- Business News Wales
New Ukrainian and Welsh Blended Cafe Opens in Caerphilly Station
Two Ukrainian sisters who came to Wales to escape the war have partnered with the lady who sponsored them in the UK and opened a new cafe offering a fusion of Ukrainian and Welsh experience. Coffi Kava (coffee in the Welsh and Ukrainian language combined) opened at Caerphilly Railway Station in late July, offering a menu that blends traditional Ukrainian flavours with Welsh ingredients. Hanna and Liudmyla arrived in Wales from Ukraine three years ago and now proudly call it their second home. Sian, a retired NHS worker sponsored the sisters when they first arrived and through their shared passion for baking and good coffee have now opened Coffi Kava. The cafe is a celebration of culture, connection and local pride with Sian and the sisters committed to sourcing wherever possible Welsh-made products including Coaltown Coffee, a Welsh roastery who's aim is to revive jobs in former mining and industrial towns. Commenting on the opening the Coffi Kava team said: 'Opening Coffi Kava has been a dream come true for us. The first few weeks have been incredibly positive – we've felt so welcomed by passengers, local residents and the TfW team. Their warmth and enthusiasm have made settling in a joy, and it's been amazing to see people embracing what we offer. We're excited to keep growing and serving this vibrant community.' Alexia Course, Chief Commercial Officer at Transport for Wales also added: 'We're thrilled to welcome Coffi Kava to Caerphilly Station and into our wider network. This partnership is a fantastic example of our commitment to supporting local businesses and helping communities flourish. The Coffi Kava team brings something truly special to the station, blending Welsh and Ukrainian influences in a unique way. We're confident this will provide a great experience for our customers, whether they're commuting daily or visiting for leisure, by offering them a warm, welcoming space to enjoy. We look forward to seeing Coffi Kava grow and thrive as part of our network.' More Stories from Transport for Wales: