Maxime Bernier decries 'woke ideology' at campaign stop in Dartmouth
People's Party of Canada Leader Maxime Bernier made a campaign stop Monday in Dartmouth, N.S., where he condemned "woke ideology" and said Canada is on the precipice of going "down the drain."
The former Conservative cabinet minister held a news conference on the Dartmouth waterfront on Day 9 of the federal election campaign. He highlighted one of the pillars of the PPC platform: ending what he calls " woke" policies.
Specifically, he said he would end policies related to diversity, equity and inclusion in the military.
"[Justin] Trudeau did everything he could to destroy our proud Canadian Forces by imposing his insane woke ideology on the military," said Bernier.
He criticized vaccination requirements that resulted in nearly 300 service members being released, and "diversity hiring quotas."
The Canadian military and Department of National Defence have, according to the military ombudsman, adopted many initiatives over the last two decades to address long-standing barriers to the recruitment and retention of women, visible minorities and Indigenous people.
Yet the military is still largely made up of white males, and the ombudsman said in 2022 there has been little progress in increasing diversity.
Bernier was flanked by two PPC candidates who are running in the Halifax area. The party has nominated candidates in 10 of 11 Nova Scotia ridings.
The leader said his party will have a full slate in time for the April 28 election.
This will be Bernier's third general election running as a PPC candidate in Beauce, the Quebec riding he used to represent as a Conservative MP. Bernier split from the Conservatives after he lost the 2018 leadership race to Andrew Scheer.
As of Monday, CBC's poll tracker has the PPC in a distant sixth place with about two per cent of the projected vote share.
Bernier's central campaign promises are pausing immigration, ending "woke" policies, boosting the economy by cutting spending and implementing policies related to national security.
He said Monday that if the PPC platform isn't enacted in the coming months, Canada is heading "down the drain."
"We are so different than the Liberals and the Conservatives on the most important issues for the future of this country. If you believe in this country, if you want to have a prosperous country, you need to support our candidates here in Nova Scotia and all across the country," he said.
Bernier has been accused of courting far-right, conspiratorial racists, especially throughout the COVID-19 pandemic, and appeared on conspiracy theorist Alex Jones's podcast as recently as March 22.
The PPC has denied that people with " extreme views" are welcome in the party.
It received five per cent of the national vote during the 2021 federal election and has never won a seat.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
National Post
21 minutes ago
- National Post
Jesse Kline: Air Canada strike brought to you by the Liberal government
For years, the Liberals have worked to increase the power of Canada's labour unions, and the monster they created is now coming back to bite them as Air Canada's flight attendants walk off the job, grounding hundreds of flights. But Ottawa can start to fix the mess it created by opening the airline market to more competition, thus lessening the impact that strikes have on consumers. Article content Article content It's no coincidence that the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE), which represents more than 10,000 Air Canada employees, chose this moment to go on strike and throw the country's air transportation network into chaos. Article content Article content Article content The contract between the airline and its flight attendants ended in March, but the union waited until the height of the summer travel season to walk off the job, in a move that has so far affected around 500,000 travellers. Article content Thanks to legislation passed last year that banned the use of replacement workers in federally regulated industries, including air travel, the union knew the airline would have little recourse if its members hit the picket line. And given the Liberals' penchant for intervening in labour disputes, CUPE could also be fairly certain the government would try to order the striking flight attendants back to work, after doing so in disputes involving Canada's major railways and postal service last year. Article content And so it was that after Jobs Minister Patty Hajdu ordered the Canada Industrial Relations Board (CIRB) to force the flight attendants back to work and send the parties to binding arbitration on Saturday, Mark Hancock, CUPE's national president, tore up the back-to-work order and vowed to challenge it. Article content Article content On Monday morning, the CIRB declared the strike 'unlawful' and ordered workers back on the job 'immediately.' As of this writing, it's unclear whether the union intends to continue to defy the mandate. Article content Article content The situation highlights the catch-22 the Liberals now find themselves in: their interventionist, pro-labour policies have reduced the incentive for unions to settle disputes at the bargaining table, forcing Ottawa to step in to alleviate the resulting political headache caused by major disruptions in markets that are dominated by a few large players. Article content It's a classic case of the state stepping in with Big Government policies to fix problems caused by other interventionist measures. But it's also an opportunity for the Liberals to read the room and enact reforms that will attract foreign investment, make the country more competitive and reduce prices for consumers. Article content To do that, the government should follow the advice of its own Competition Bureau, which released a report in the spring advocating for more competition in Canada's airline market. Article content To be sure, there have been some noticeable improvements in recent years. According to the competition watchdog, thanks to upstart airlines like Porter and Flair, market concentration dropped by 10 per cent between 2019 and 2023. Article content But Air Canada and WestJet still account for between 56 and 78 per cent of all domestic passenger traffic departing from Canada's major airports. This is a direct result of government policies that favour incumbent carriers, increase costs and limit foreign ownership and competition. Article content One of the major barriers faced by new airlines, according to the Competition Bureau, is the high cost of government taxes and fees that are tacked onto ticket prices. Article content Some of them are designed to ensure the cost of running Canada's air transportation network is paid by travellers, which makes perfect sense. But ticket prices are also affected by fuel taxes and high airport fees, which Ottawa simply treats as a cash cow. Article content This assertion is backed up by research released Monday by the Montreal Economic Institute (MEI), which found that the exorbitant rents the federal government charges airport authorities is significantly driving up the cost of air travel. Article content Article content According to MEI, airports sent Ottawa close to $500 million in rental fees last year, which is up 68 per cent since 2014. Article content All told, the think tank found that the average airport improvement fee paid in Canada is four times higher than in the United States. Airport security charges and fuel taxes are also far higher in Canada than in peer countries, such as the U.S. and Australia. Article content These costs make it harder for discount carriers to compete based on price. The Competition Bureau says that taxes and fees constitute 30 per cent of the ticket price on major carriers, but that those 'costs take up an even higher share of what passengers pay for flights on ultra-low-cost carriers,' which makes them less profitable. Article content New carriers are also constrained by airport procedures, which often favour incumbents. Smaller, secondary airports in major cities can provide consumers and airlines with more options, but are hamstrung by the size of their runways and legal restrictions that only allow one international airport in certain regions. Article content Article content A good example is Toronto's Billy Bishop Airport, which is often cheaper and more convenient than Pearson Airport, but was prevented from hosting long-haul flights when the Liberals kiboshed plans to extend its runway to accommodate passenger jets in 2015. Article content Yet the biggest impediments to airline competition are the government's restrictions on foreign ownership and its prohibition on foreign carriers flying domestic routes. Article content In 2018, Ottawa increased the share of Canadian airlines that foreigners are allowed to own, but the Competition Bureau doesn't think it went far enough. Article content It recommends the rules be changed so that a single foreign investor can own up to 49 per cent of a Canadian carrier, and that the government create a new class of airline that can only serve domestic routes but can be fully owned by non-Canadians. Article content The competition watchdog also suggests Ottawa start allowing 'airlines from partner countries to fly domestic service within Canada.'
The Province
an hour ago
- The Province
Inside Poilievre's long journey back after his Alberta byelection campaign
The Conservative leader faces a daunting, multi-year journey to get a second shot at prime minister Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre is seen during a news conference in Ottawa on Monday, July 14, 2025. Photo by Adrian Wyld / The Canadian Press OTTAWA — Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre is one of 214 candidates — and not even the only Pierre on the ballot — fighting a byelection that was never part of his plan. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. THIS CONTENT IS RESERVED FOR SUBSCRIBERS ONLY Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Exclusive articles by top sports columnists Patrick Johnston, Ben Kuzma, J.J. Abrams and others. Plus, Canucks Report, Sports and Headline News newsletters and events. Unlimited online access to The Province and 15 news sites with one account. The Province ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition to view on any device, share and comment on. Daily puzzles and comics, including the New York Times Crossword. Support local journalism. SUBSCRIBE TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Subscribe now to read the latest news in your city and across Canada. Exclusive articles by top sports columnists Patrick Johnston, Ben Kuzma, J.J. Abrams and others. Plus, Canucks Report, Sports and Headline News newsletters and events. Unlimited online access to The Province and 15 news sites with one account. The Province ePaper, an electronic replica of the print edition to view on any device, share and comment on. Daily puzzles and comics, including the New York Times Crossword. Support local journalism. REGISTER / SIGN IN TO UNLOCK MORE ARTICLES Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account. Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments. Enjoy additional articles per month. Get email updates from your favourite authors. THIS ARTICLE IS FREE TO READ REGISTER TO UNLOCK. Create an account or sign in to continue with your reading experience. Access articles from across Canada with one account Share your thoughts and join the conversation in the comments Enjoy additional articles per month Get email updates from your favourite authors Monday's vote in Alberta's Battle River—Crowfoot riding, despite the lengthy roster of candidates, should be an easy win for Poilievre. But spending his summer campaigning in rural Alberta was a high price to pay to look Prime Minister Mark Carney in the eye during question period when the House of Commons reconvenes in September. Eight months ago, polls suggested the Conservatives were a slam dunk to form government. Instead, Poilievre lost his own seat in the Ottawa-area riding of Carleton and his Conservatives suffered a crushing defeat to Carney's Liberals. Now, Poilievre faces a daunting, multi-year journey to get a second shot at the country's top political post. Despite his year from hell, Conservative party insiders — both Poilievre's friends and foes alike — say the path to victory may have its share of hurdles but that it's far from impossible. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Anthony Koch, the managing principal at AK Strategies and former spokesman for Poilievre, said the party needs to recognize that change is necessary and carefully focus on 'winning' issues. 'We have to move on from the last election,' he said. The leadership review awaits First, Poilievre will need to convince his fellow Tories that he deserves a second shot and that he's their best bet to win the next general election. After Monday's byelection, Poilievre will turn his attention to the Conservatives' leadership review, part of a national policy convention in Calgary at the end of January. A secret ballot vote on a party's leader following a fourth consecutive general election loss would often be contentious. Party leaders often don't get second shots. Essential reading for hockey fans who eat, sleep, Canucks, repeat. By signing up you consent to receive the above newsletter from Postmedia Network Inc. Please try again This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. But most party sources do not anticipate that Poilievre will have a problem hanging on to his leadership for two main reasons: he's still popular in most party circles and there's no active challenger waiting in the wings. Not only is nobody else actively organizing for a run at the Tory leadership to this point, but few party faithful even have confidence in identifying who the serious contenders might be. 'There's no clear competitors,' said one Conservative source in Ottawa who is plugged into party circles across the country. But that doesn't mean that Poilievre is universally popular within his party, some emphasizing that it's not healthy if the leadership review is treated as an afterthought. The party was ahead by as much as 24 percentage points a few months before the April election, they point out, when the incumbent government was tired and facing a struggling economy. It was a winnable election, they say, which means a healthy debate about party leadership is needed. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Some believe Poilievre was a big part of the problem. But unless a formidable challenger steps forward, the main drama during the leadership review will likely surround the level of Poilievre's support and whether that number surpasses the various arbitrary thresholds that are presented. Some pundits say anything under 65 or 70 per cent would raise questions, but few doubt that Poilievre will remain as leader. If he does, next will come the third and most difficult electoral hurdle: the next federal election. Can Poilievre win over Canadians? While Conservatives may be willing to let Poilievre get his ducks lined up for another run at 24 Sussex Dr., it's unclear if the majority of Canadians share that view. A number of things will likely need to happen for Poilievre and the Conservatives to break the Liberals' streak of four consecutive wins. To begin with the most obvious, the incumbent Carney government must not have shown too much success in dealing with key issues, such as big projects, housing, and perhaps most of all, the economy and the Trump tariffs that threaten it. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. The Conservatives may also need a comeback of sorts from the New Democratic Party, or perhaps another party left of the Liberals. Without somebody shaving off significant chunks of votes from Carney's progressive flank, the numbers are tough for the Tories. And finally, Poilievre and his team will need to deftly navigate the second and trickier track of his journey: working out which tactics, allies and personal characteristics need to be altered, scrapped or added. That path forward, which is well under way, will be difficult to craft and even more difficult to execute. The first question for Poilievre — not a no-brainer for many who know Poilievre — is whether he is willing to change. Or even if he should try to. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. While the Tory leader is far from beloved by a fair number of Conservatives he's worked with over the years, most agree that a good chunk of his appeal within the party base has been his consistency and authenticity as an unapologetic and unrelenting conservative. There's little doubt that his beliefs on free markets, small government and almost anything that can be deemed a form of freedom are sincere. When asked last month by National Post during a press conference whether he planned to do anything differently after the election loss, Poilievre didn't point to any specifics, saying that the party's mission remains the same: to offer Canadians 'a government in waiting' and the opportunity to work hard and reap the benefits with a good life and safe communities. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. 'Every election comes with lessons,' he told reporters in Ottawa. Poilievre also acknowledged that the electoral landscape may have changed beyond this past election and that the Conservatives need to expand their support and pull in a bigger vote share to form government. 'Forty-one per cent might not be enough in the future,' he said. Party sources say that Poilievre has been active in calling party loyalists and others to gather views on the usual campaign post-mortem questions: what went right and wrong and what needs to change. Rick Perkins, a former Nova Scotia MP and a Poilievre supporter, said the summer away from Parliament has been a blessing for the party's leader because it's allowed him to reflect, think about the issues, and re-connect with the grassroots. Perkins said that Poilievre is well aware that change will be part of the recipe to broaden the party's support. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. In his public appearances since the April election, there have also been subtle signs of a more conciliatory approach. A month ago, for example, Poilievre was interviewed on the CBC Radio program The House, where he seemed to be trying to appear less combative and more statesmanlike. The fact that he agreed to a CBC interview of any kind was a change in direction after months when he and other Conservative MPs avoided the public broadcaster. When speaking about Carney's inability to get any concessions for Canada in trade talks with the United States, Poilievre offered: 'I don't blame him entirely for that. Obviously, he's dealing with some unfair treatment by the Americans.' That interview and what may be a less combative approach during other post-election appearances may be signs that Poilievre realizes that he has no choice but to broaden his support to win. And that means being more conciliatory, bringing more people to his side. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. 'I think that he sees that he was missing opportunities,' said one Conservative source. But many Tories also acknowledge that self-reflection and self-doubt are neither Poilievre's inclination, nor his strength. One Conservative who says he knows Poilievre well says there's a limit to how much the party leader will be willing to change about himself. 'I don't know if he can.' That source also said that Poilievre needs to have the humility to accept that he lost and that there were reasons for that, beyond the Trump tariffs and Justin Trudeau's resignation. Ginny Roth, Poilievre's director of communications during his leadership campaign in 2022, said a lot of people overthink the question of what to change about the Tory leader's personality. Many of the same traits that some people want Poilievre to soften, she said, are the ones that allowed him to generate a massive YouTube following and convince many people to vote for the first time. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. 'I think you have to let Poilievre be Poilievre and let the chips fall where they may,' Roth said during an interview, 'because the things that people may perceive as his weaknesses, the flip side of that are his greatest strengths.' The debate about Poilievre's electoral ceiling remains, particularly about the roots of his halcyon days of less than a year ago when he was riding high in the polls: Was such a large swath of the country really behind the Tory leader, or was his sizeable lead more a function of the public's desire to get rid of Trudeau? Many Conservatives point to the party's increased vote total to say they lost only because Trump handed Carney his ideal ballot-box question. The counter argument is that both major parties — not just the Tories — significantly increased their vote totals during the election because the tariff threat focused voters on choosing which of the two major parties and leaders was best able to deal with the threats from the south. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Like most political leaders, some say that Poilievre is simply not the right person to be leader because too many Canadians don't like him and won't vote for him. One Conservative organizer said Poilievre is simply too arrogant to change or accept that he was only leading in the polls last year because the public wanted Trudeau out, not him in. One experienced Conservative campaign figure, not a Poilievre supporter, said there is no path to victory with Poilievre at the helm. 'We are just gearing up to lose another election,' he said. 'People aren't clamouring for change right now because they have it in Mark Carney.' Carney's advantage Most Conservatives admit that Carney presents a whole new challenge for the party. Not only is he enjoying a luxurious public opinion honeymoon, voters also rate him highly on issues that historically favour the Tories, such as managing the economy. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. 'Conservatives can't win without winning on the economy and pocket-book issues,' said Dan Robertson, a former chief strategist for the Conservative party and the co-founder of ORB Advocacy, in an email. 'In the penultimate week of the campaign, a 2,800 sample poll by Focal Data (a U.K. research firm) showed that the Liberals led the Conservatives on three of the four most salient issues. More worryingly, it also revealed that the Conservatives failed to win convincingly on the economy, the price of housing and affordability in general.' Robertson said the Conservatives need to fight back on those issues, but also try to raise the salience of other issues, like crime and immigration. In a recent Abacus Data poll designed to measure the traits that Canadians want in a leader, Carney 'significantly outperforms' Poilievre on nearly every score. The gap, the poll from late July found, was particularly striking among 'accessible voters' who say they're open to voting for either party. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. The poll, based on surveys of 1,915 Canadian adults between July 10-15, found that Canadians see Carney as a calming force compared to Poilievre's combative public image. Sixty-nine per cent of respondents said Carney is 'calm and steady during uncertain times,' compared to 50 per cent for Poilievre, and 66 per cent said Carney 'avoids unnecessary conflict and doesn't pick fights for the sake of it,' compared to 44 per cent for Poilievre. David Coletto, chief executive of Abacus, concluded from his poll that Carney is more than just liked at this time by Canadians. 'He's seen as competent, principled, and measured, qualities that resonate strongly with the electorate right now.' For Poilievre, Coletto wrote, the picture is more complicated. Respondents gave him strong results on a number of questions, including a majority of Canadians (55 per cent) saying that the Tory leader 'understands ordinary Canadians.' This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. The problem from the Conservatives' perspective — at least for now, months or years before the next election — is that Carney outscores Poilievre in nearly every way among the broad electorate. 'While his supporters see him in highly positive terms, and his ratings are strong within the Conservative voter universe, his alignment with broader public expectations is weaker,' Coletto wrote. 'Canadians are not vague or passive about what they want in a leader. They want someone who puts the country first, understands their challenges, and brings a clear, steady hand. Right now, Mark Carney is meeting those expectations better than Pierre Poilievre, not just with his own base, but with the people in the middle who will decide future elections. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Poilievre faces other challenges too. There's a fine line between making changes so that you're the best possible candidate, but also not appearing to be so fungible that you're not authentic. And the advice coming to Poilievre is as contradictory as it is strident. One Conservative source said Poilievre needs to stop being the 'know-it-all nerd' because 'there's no charm in it.' Another Conservative source said Poilievre needs to go back to embracing his 'inner nerd' so that he comes across as more himself. The team remains the same Another area of possible change is in the team around him. After the election loss, it was assumed by many pundits and party faithful that dumping campaign manager, long-time ally and former girlfriend Jenni Byrne was a no-brainer. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. Byrne, like Poilievre, is seen as a sharp, seasoned political organizer but one who can alienate other Conservatives by being unnecessarily confrontational and insisting on an approach that sometimes comes across as 'my way or the highway.' Public fights with Conservative premiers Doug Ford of Ontario and Tim Houston of Nova Scotia, which many believe were largely triggered by Byrne's aggressive approach, were widely seen as own goals that were costly and avoidable. The two premiers, or at least those in their orbits, weren't the only Conservatives to endure Byrne's wrath over the years — and not want to come back for more. Byrne said earlier this month that she would not be the Conservatives' campaign manager for the next federal election, although she didn't rule out another role. One Conservative source said most other key members of Poilievre's circle, however, have remained. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. For Poilievre, a passionate policy wonk since his teen years, adjusting his platform in any significant way to make it more digestible or centrist might be for him the most contentious consideration. It may be a non-starter. For much of the post-election months, the party's strategy seems to have been conduct the post-mortem, keep the loyalists engaged, focus on the byelection and keep your head down until Carney's political honeymoon inevitably takes a step or two back. But Carney hasn't made it easy on the Tories. The new prime minister has moved his party swiftly to the centre-right on many issues: reducing personal income taxes, cancelling the consumer portion of the carbon tax and the digital services tax, reversing Trudeau's planned increase on capital gains tax, plans to reduce the size of the bureaucracy, investments in defence, support for pipelines and other infrastructure projects. That has left Poilievre and the Tories with less room to operate and mine for support. This advertisement has not loaded yet, but your article continues below. During one summer event, the contrast in styles between the popular prime minister and the embattled opposition leader couldn't have been much starker. As he shook hands, posed for photos and joked with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith about his hapless attempts to flip pancakes, Carney gave every indication that he was enjoying the Calgary Stampede, despite talk that these types of back-patting, hand-shaking events are far from his idea of a good time. According to a pool report, Poilievre, meanwhile, stayed in his car, apparently waiting for the United Brotherhood of Carpenters event to end. Or at least for the prime minister to leave. With a twisty, long journey in front of his desired path to Sussex Drive, Poilievre will need to show that same patience if he's to replace Carney any time soon on the much larger stage. National Post Our website is the place for the latest breaking news, exclusive scoops, longreads and provocative commentary. Please bookmark and sign up for our daily newsletter, Posted, here. Books News Vancouver Whitecaps News CFL
an hour ago
Who controls the food supply? Proposed changes to seed reuse reopens debate
It's a small change that risks cultivating a big debate. On one side is the principle of farmer's privilege — the traditional right of Canadian farmers to save seeds at the end of a growing season and reuse them the next year. On the other is the principle of plant breeders' rights — the right of those who develop new seeds and plants to protect and profit from their discoveries. The issue has been dormant for a decade. Now, proposed changes to government rules regarding plant breeders' rights are reviving that debate. It also raises questions about how Canada gets its food and who controls what is grown. Ultimately, it's about food security, said Keith Currie, president of the Canadian Federation of Agriculture. The group supports the changes, which include narrowing the scope of farmer's privilege. Not only keeping us competitive to keep food costs down, but also to make sure that we maintain new varieties coming forward for that food availability. Enlarge image (new window) The proposed changes could reduce the right of farmers to save and reuse seeds for crops like fruits and vegetables. Photo: The Canadian Press / Giordano Ciampini In a notice (new window) dated Aug. 9, the government announced proposed changes to Canada's Plant Breeders' Rights Regulations — a form of intellectual property protection for plants, similar to a patent. The regulations give plant breeders a monopoly over the distribution of their product for a set period, as a way to to encourage investment and innovations such as varieties with higher yields or more resistant to drought or pests. It's a big business. Estimates of the economic impact of the seed industry in Canada range from $4 billion to $6 billion a year. The right to reuse The changes would remove the right of farmers to save and reuse seeds and cuttings from protected fruits, vegetables, ornamental varieties, other plants reproduced through vegetative propagation and hybrids. For most plants recognized under the law, the protections last for 20 years. Personal gardens and many other kinds of crops such as wheat, cereals and pulses, where seed saving is more widespread, would not be affected. Among the other proposed changes is to extend the protection for new varieties of mushrooms, asparagus and woody plants like raspberries and blueberries to 25 years from the current 20 years. A public consultation on the changes runs until Oct. 18. Enlarge image (new window) NDP agriculture critic Gord Johns is calling for parliamentary hearings into the proposed changes. Photo: Kendal Hanson/CHEK News NDP agriculture critic Gord Johns says the changes raise an important issue for Canadians. He questions why the government is holding the consultation in summer when most farmers are focused on growing and harvesting crops — not drafting submissions for public consultations. They keep doing this over and over again, said Johns of the federal government. They announce regulatory changes that impact farmers and their livelihoods [and] they schedule the consultation period during the busiest time of the year for farmers. Johns said companies producing new kinds of seed should be adequately compensated for their innovation and intellectual property. But he said farmers who grow and harvest the food Canadians eat shouldn't be starved by big corporations choking off their seed supply. He wants the House of Commons agriculture committee to hold hearings and take a closer look at the changes being proposed. A spokesperson for Minister of Agriculture and Agri-Food Heath MacDonald said the government is committed to encouraging innovation, investment, research and competitiveness in Canadian agriculture, horticulture and ornamental industries. The spokesperson said the government will review all feedback before determining next steps. Access vs. innovation Former prime minister Stephen Harper's government triggered a debate in 2015 when it adopted measures to bring Canada's rules more in line with guidelines adopted by the International Union for the Protection of New Varieties of Plants, known as UPOV 91. The rules are separate from patent law or technology use agreements which some seed companies use to prevent farmers from saving and reusing seeds. Changes to plant breeders' rules are now again on the table. Last year, a government consultation resulted in 109 submissions, the majority supportive of change. Meanwhile, lobbyists have been busy behind the scenes. According to the federal lobbying registry, 13 people from several different groups or companies are currently registered to lobby on plant breeders' rights including the Canadian Federation of Agriculture, the Canadian Canola Growers Association, the Fruit and Vegetable Growers Association and Swiss-based Syngenta, owned by Sinochem, a Chinese state-owned enterprise. Enlarge image (new window) Wheat is not included in the proposed changes, but a research director for the National Farmers Union worries they could be the start of a 'slippery slope.' Photo: Reuters / Todd Korol Cathy Holtslander, director of research and policy for the National Farmers Union, says the proposed changes risk hurting farmers while increasing profits and the power of seed-producing companies — often multinationals with foreign ownership. While the changes are focused on an area of agriculture where seed saving is less common, Holtslander warns the changes are a slippery slope that could lead to an erosion of the rights of farmers. If they were to go after wheat with the amendment, there would be a huge uproar and people would really be angry and push back, Holtslander said. She said what's being proposed paves the way for other crops to be included later. The seed industry does not want farmers' privilege to exist for any seed. They want to be able to require people to buy new seed every year, she said. Holtslander's group plans to fight the proposed changes. She said the issue goes beyond the question of individual farmers reusing seed. If the big multinational companies control the seed, they control our food supply, she said. Lauren Comin, director of policy for Seeds Canada, acknowledges the issue can be controversial but argues Canada needs strong intellectual property protection if it wants access to the newest innovations to compete on the world stage. It's incredibly important to have these frameworks to encourage investment companies, businesses, public entities, to know that they are going to somehow be compensated and protected, Comin said. She said that while the changes provide that certainty and that incentive for investment, she wants them to go further. While acknowledging there isn't enough certified seed for all of Canada's cereals and small grains crop, Comin would also like to see farmers compensate plant breeders when they reuse seeds, as they do in Europe. The farmer's privilege does not say that that use is free, she said. [Farmers] can choose to buy the latest and greatest product of innovation, which means that there is a tremendous amount of investment and effort that went toward developing this improved variety. Or they can decide that they don't value innovation, and they can go back to a variety that's unprotected and grow that. Currie, an Ontario grains and oil seed farmer who saves and reuses seeds, says Canada needs to balance the two principles. He says farmer's privilege is key to Canada's competitiveness, but so is access to new varieties of seeds and plants. While I do understand where some of the multinationals want to have better control, I believe in order for the industry to be viable, farmers have to have some control as well, he said.
