Sound Transit has found its preferred next CEO. Will he survive a board vote Thursday?
Sound Transit announced Monday that the Democrat is the preferred candidate among three finalists under consideration following a search that began with 60 applicants.
In a joint statement, the agency board's leadership trio, including Vice Chairman Ryan Mello — the Pierce County executive — said it was 'pleased' to put Constantine forward for a vote. The other board leaders are Snohomish County Executive Dave Somers, who chairs the board, and King County Council member Claudia Balducci, who's also a vice chair.
'We are confident he has the knowledge, experience, and commitment to achieve Sound Transit's goals and complete the ST3 package,' the group said of Constantine and in reference to a third phase of capital investments approved by voters.
Sound Transit's 18-member board, absent Constantine, will vote on Constantine's nomination during its regular public meeting Thursday. His appointment will require a supermajority vote, meaning that he will need support from 12 of the 17 remaining board members.
The estimated $4 billion-plus Tacoma Dome Link Extension will be a key project in Pierce County to be advanced under the next CEO.
The confidential search to lead the agency, which maintains a $4 billion-plus budget and constructs and operates transit service throughout Pierce, King and Snohomish counties, was marked in part by criticisms of Constantine's candidacy and concerns over transparency.
In February, the Transit Riders Union wrote to the agency's board that Constantine was directly or indirectly responsible for appointing 10 board members and would be tasked as CEO with evaluating a King County government complex project put forward under his leadership as county executive. The letter was reported by The Urbanist.
Conflict-of-interest concerns were shared by the grassroots transit-advocacy group, Seattle Subway, which urged the agency to release the full list of finalists and invite public dialogue before any final decision.
Sound Transit has said it would not have received as many qualified applicants if they weren't assured confidentiality and that Constantine recused himself from all matters related to the search.
The CEO job's publicly advertised salary range is $450,000 to $650,000 per year, although the Seattle Times reported it could be as high as $675,000, which would exceed the $500,000 annual rate of retiring interim CEO Goran Sparrman.
Constantine's salary as King County executive in 2022 stood at slightly less than $260,000, according to the Association of Washington Cities.
'Being CEO of Sound Transit is a tough job with many constituencies to serve, and Dow has proven over his career in public service that he can deliver large capital projects, successfully oversee a major transit agency, and foster partnerships across our region that are essential to make Sound Transit function at the highest possible level,' the board's leadership said Monday.
The trio called it 'a crucial time for the agency,' citing the need to address operational and maintenance challenges, increased accountability measures and rising financial pressure from inflation and economic uncertainties.
'The search for a new CEO was competitive,' board leadership said. 'The Board started with 60 applicants from around the world and narrowed the field from 15 to 5 to 3 and finally to 1. It was a thorough process with significant public input, vigorous discussions, and multiple panels that included transit riders, disability advocates, other regional transit agencies, and labor and economic development organizations.
'We are grateful to the many board members, agency staff, and community partners who provided valuable insights and have put their time and skills toward making sure we had an extensive and thoughtful CEO search process. We look forward to the Board's decision on Thursday.'
The Sound Transit board meeting is scheduled for 1:30 p.m. inside the Ruth Fisher Board Room in Union Station at 401 S. Jackson Street in Seattle. The public may attend virtually. Information on how to participate can be found at SoundTransit.org/get-to-know-us/board-directors and by clicking 'Board meetings.'
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Politico
28 minutes ago
- Politico
The man behind California's gerrymander
After transferring to American University in Washington, D.C., and earning a degree in communications, legal institutions, economics and government, Mitchell idealistically began working on campaigns out of college. He interned in 1998 with Al Checchi's famously profligate campaign for California's Democratic gubernatorial nomination, but never loved the work. Mitchell said he was distressed by the cycle of investing in someone's hopes and dreams only to watch them fail. He felt like he was failing with them. Data, he found, was more consistent. Mitchell worked as a legislative staffer for Democratic Assemblymember Nicole Parra and later in leadership roles for an educational non-profit called EdVoice. It wasn't until 2010 that he would find his real niche in California politics, founding a firm called Redistricting Partners at the behest of Christopher Cabaldon, a Mitchell mentor now serving as a Democratic state senator. First hired by community college districts to help set their boundaries, Mitchell grew Redistricting Partners into a full-fledged business sought out by dozens of counties, cities, special districts and even New York state. He established a flavor of map-making that was heavy on community input and public engagement. To him, redistricting was an iterative process of draft maps and discussions with community organizations. Mitchell had arrived in Sacramento as a strong Democrat with an activist mentality, but his views began to shift as he matured and built relationships on both sides of the political aisle. In 2012, he joined Political Data, Inc., whose effective monopoly on California voter information put Mitchell in a position to work with politicians of all stripes. He took pride in being able to sit down with the chairs of the Republican and Democratic parties and offer objective data tools. 'They see me as the data guy,' Mitchell said. 'I'm just part of the furniture.' With time Mitchell became less of a partisan and more of an 'institutionalist,' he said. His long ponytail has been replaced by a modest crew cut, the Marlboro Reds with bicycle races. He became a sage voice for California politics on TV and in the press. When Political Data, Inc. announced in 2021 it would work only with Democrats and left-leaning groups, Mitchell was actively peeved by the move. Such has been Mitchell's approach for the past 15 years. In Sacramento, his data, and his approach, was seen as above reproach. That may not be the case soon. 'I had never done a partisan redistricting,' Mitchell said this week. 'Until just now.' Mitchell's long ponytail has been replaced by a modest crew cut, the Marlboro Reds with bicycle races. | Courtesy of Paul Mitchell An outdated skill Last month, Newsom suggested rushing the type of partisan redraw that California hasn't seen in decades. The move first seemed an apparent feint by Newsom, an occasion to position himself as a defender of democracy while Texas Republicans looked to gerrymander their own state and add more safe Republican seats to Congress. Many observers saw the move as an example of Newsom's political ambition, emblematic of his desire to serve as the prime public antagonizer to Trump and the Republican party.


Politico
3 hours ago
- Politico
Al Lawson weighs in on redistricting push
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Axios
4 hours ago
- Axios
Where homicide rates are highest: Blue cities in red states
To hear President Trump tell it, the nation's murder problem is particularly bad in New York City, Chicago, Baltimore, Los Angeles and Washington, D.C. — Democrat-run cities in Democrat-led states (or district, in D.C.'s case). New FBI crime figures from 2024 tell a different story. The big picture: 13 of the 20 U.S. cities with the highest murder rates were in Republican-run states. Many of those cities were run by Democrats who often are at odds with state officials, an Axios analysis of FBI data finds. State of play: The nation's homicide rate dropped to 5 per 100,000 residents in 2024 — a rate not seen since the Obama era, when overall violent crime rates were hovering around 30-year lows. Many cities, including those with the highest murder rates, saw declines in homicides. Crime remains a significant concern, but Trump's criticism of big, Democrat-led cities in blue states tells only part of the story. By the numbers: Eight of the top 10 cities with the highest murder rates and populations of at least 100,000 were in red states — Mississippi, Alabama, Missouri, Tennessee, Ohio and Louisiana, Axios found. Jackson, Miss., had the nation's highest homicide rate— nearly 78 per 100,000 residents, more than 15 times the national average. Birmingham, Ala., was second with a homicide rate of almost 59 per 100,000 residents — more than 11 times the national average. St. Louis was third, followed by Memphis, Tenn. Zoom out: Six of the next 10 cities with the highest homicide rates were in Republican-run Georgia, Ohio, Indiana and Alabama, along with Virginia and Kentucky, whose state governments are politically divided. The intrigue: Trump's order that led National Guard troops and federal agents to patrol D.C. has drawn mixed reviews in the city, where several high-profile crimes have put a spotlight on safety. The city of 702,000 had a homicide rate of 25.5 per 100,000 residents in 2024, which officials say was a 30-year low. That ranked 11th among big U.S. cities last year. Baltimore, whose crime rate also drew criticism from Trump, had the nation's fifth-highest homicide rate at 34.8, though officials there say it was the lowest rate in five decades. What they're saying: "No mayor in the country, myself included, is saying that we have solved this issue of violent crime," Baltimore Mayor Brandon M. Scott told reporters Thursday. Scott said historic lows in cities that have had to deal with high homicide rates annually have to be acknowledged, and programs that target gun violence should be expanded. Scott noted that the cities Trump has called out for having high crime have Black mayors, and said the president appears to be overlooking many high-crime cities in red states. Between the lines: 19 of the top 20 cities with the highest homicide rates have large percentages of Black residents in historically underserved communities plagued by poverty. Only Albuquerque, ranked 19th with a rate of 18.4, doesn't have a sizable Black population. Its population is 53% Latino or Native American.