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Underworld grip on Big Build sized up by government as contractors warned to purge suspect players

Underworld grip on Big Build sized up by government as contractors warned to purge suspect players

Armed federal agents searched the Thornbury home of Anthony Malcolm, who was last year appointed as director of a waste company the AFP suspects was used to collect payments from companies seeking support from figures within the CFMEU's construction arm, over which Gatto has long wielded influence.
The CFMEU has in turn played a decisive role in which firms can secure contracts on major construction sites, including CBD developments and Big Build infrastructure projects.
Federal police are investigating if payments to companies linked to Gatto and his gangland associates have been made to unlawfully secure union backing on large projects or involve potential money laundering or accounting offences.
In March, the AFP raided Melbourne accountant Charles Pellegrino, who fronts several companies suspected to have received payments police suspect were intended for Gatto, Khoury or other construction industry or union players.
No charges have been laid in connection to the investigation. There is no suggestion Malcolm, Pellegrino, Khoury or Gatto are guilty of any offence, only that police are investigating why construction firms are paying companies controlled by Pellegrino and Malcolm. Gatto and Khoury did not respond to inquiries but have previously denied wrongdoing. Malcolm was unable to be contacted by this masthead.
An AFP spokesperson said Tuesday's raid formed 'part of the AFP's response to allegations of corruption in the Victorian building industry'.
The leaked Victorian Infrastructure Delivery Authority (VIDA) files obtained by this masthead reveal the peak Big Build agency is, alongside the federal police and a host of other government bodies, seeking to combat the construction industry nepotism and corruption exposed in this masthead's Building Bad series.
Six sources working with Big Build contractors, speaking anonymously to discuss confidential information, told this masthead that after the scandal erupted, Big Build and Labor officials were no longer encouraging contractors to acquiesce to CFMEU pressure.
Some said they had previously warned the Allan government about the problems that have now sparked police investigations and industry reform, and seen the CFMEU plunged into administration.
While sources said gangland figures were seeking to adapt to the Building Bad crackdown, the surge of recent scrutiny was 'bad for business'.
This masthead can also reveal that Gatto has taken the extraordinary step of threatening to sue the CFMEU administrator's chief investigator, Geoffrey Watson, SC, claiming that Watson's public denouncement of Gatto had 'caused persons in the construction industry community to refuse to do business with Mr Gatto'.
In a letter sent recently to Big Build contractors by VIDA's director-general, Kevin Devlin, the firms are urged to stamp out 'violence, bullying, harassment and intimidation' and refuse 'requests or demands for preferential treatment of contractors, subcontractors, suppliers or individuals'.
Devlin, without identifying any individuals in his letter, has also demanded the Big Build contractors take 'all appropriate steps to prevent the presence of persons with known criminal associations on site' and implement 'robust controls' to combat risks of 'fraud and corruption by suppliers and subcontractors … [including] so-called 'ghost shifts', double dipping, inappropriate substitution of labour or materials and theft of materials'.
Senior industry sources said Devlin was one of several senior public servants who had privately expressed frustration at how his previous warnings to the government about the problems on the Big Build had gone unheeded.
VIDA has also created a secret list of suspected gangland-linked entities, which it is attempting to map across the Big Build as it seeks to have underworld-linked firms removed from government projects. Big Build companies have been asked by VIDA to check their supply chains and in some cases remove firms from Big Build projects.
The VIDA list features multiple firms and individuals that are also separately being targeted in the federal police probe into payments linked to Gatto.
One of those also named on the VIDA list is Big Build contractor Nick Maric, whose company LTE boasts on its website that it is helping construct the West Gate Tunnel. LTE has made multiple 'consulting' payments to the suspected front companies now under AFP investigation.
'LTE Construction Group have constructed nearly 1000 bored piles for bridge foundations, noise walls and other structures all socketing into hard basalt,' the company's website reads. 'This includes occupation works for bridge piles at the M80 interchange, night shift and weekend works as required by the project to meet program requirements.'
In addition to Gatto and Khoury, Maric's business has connections to Comanchero outlaw bikie gang members involved in the construction sector and who are also named in the VIDA file: Bemir Saracevic and Krstomir Bjelogrlic. Maric denied any wrongdoing.
The VIDA list also names a bikie associate and MC Labour manager, Matt Lunedei. MC Labour has won a half-billion-dollar contract to supply workers to the Metro Tunnel and was recently embroiled in a ghost-shift scandal involving two union delegates.
CFMEU sources said MC Labour, which was known to have employed gangland and bikie figures on the Big Build, is poised to be thrown off the Metro Tunnel project and replaced with another labour hire provider.
The VIDA documents also name Rangedale, a company that had made multiple payments to front companies linked to the underworld as it conducted major works on several Big Build sites. Big Build officials have begun requesting contractors examine their relationship with Rangedale, a move which sources said had led to Rangedale being ousted from government sites.
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Asked about the list, a VIDA spokesperson said: 'Following recent reports of alleged illegal misconduct, checks were made on the identified individuals or entities to see if they were currently engaged on Big Build projects.'
When pressed about how many of the identified firms were still on the Big Build, the spokesperson said: 'Recent reports of alleged illegal misconduct have been referred to Victoria Police and enquiries are ongoing. It would be inappropriate to sanction individuals without an appropriate process.'
Also named on the VIDA files are several bikies – such as Joel Leavitt – who last year were sacked as Big Build CFMEU delegates but who continue to exercise influence over Big Build subcontractors.
The VIDA list names two firms started recently by Leavitt, along with a construction health and safety firm founded recently by ex-Mongols bikie boss and union delegate Tyrone Bell in partnership with a former CFMEU organiser, who is also named individually on the VIDA list.
While this masthead has uncovered no evidence that Bell and his business partner have managed to gain work via the Big Build, another figure on the VIDA list, Billy Mitris, (who does not have criminal convictions) was earlier this year still running two companies working on major government projects, including North East Link.
Mitris, who has ties to underworld figures and sacked union boss Elias Spernovasilis, controls a labour hire firm called X-Forces, which has employed veterans on the North East Link project.
Mitris gained access to the North East Link via his close connections within the CFMEU, sources said.
In his letter, Devlin, the VIDA director-general, told Big Build contractors they must immediately report 'any known or suspected instances of … individuals or companies that you suspect may be of ill-repute being involved in or having connections to your projects'.
'VIDA can potentially exercise contractual powers to direct the removal of particular individuals from projects,' the letter says.
'Depending on the issue, it may also be appropriate for your organisation to report the matter to another body such as the Fair Work Ombudsman, Fair Work Commission, WorkSafe, Comcare, Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission (IBAC), Labour Hire Authority, the CFMEU administrator or the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission (ACCC), all of whom have reporting channels available.'

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She dreamt of being a flight attendant. She told a friend that she didn't want to get married until she was 27 or 28 and only then to someone she 'really loved'. But her mother had other plans. 'Excuse me,' he said, after waiting patiently for the front desk officer. 'I've killed my wife.' Her mother, Sakina Muhammad Jan, pressured Haidari to marry Halimi against her will. When the couple flew to Perth to begin their married lives on November 20, 2019, Haidari found herself isolated and living with a virtual stranger with whom she did not want to be intimate. Halimi, meanwhile, was devastated that his wife was not behaving as he expected, and so he made the 'evidence' video as a complaint to Haidari's family. The next day, during a fight, Halimi took a 35-centimetre knife to her throat and sliced it twice, killing her in the kitchen. Her brother, Taqi Haidari, told police that Halimi then called him and said: 'If you are a man, come and get the dead body of your sister.' With blood on his hands and clothes, Halimi then walked into a police station. 'Excuse me,' he said, after waiting patiently for the front desk officer. 'I've killed my wife.' Halimi pleaded guilty to murder and was sentenced in 2021 to life imprisonment with a minimum 19-year parole period. Ruqia Haidari's tragic death put the Australian Federal Police in an interesting position. In August 2019, AFP officers had met with her in Shepparton after her school had notified them that she did not want to get married. They offered to talk to her mother but she refused, saying it would be unhelpful. But after Haidari's murder, the AFP – which had never had a successful prosecution of a forced-marriage case – raided Muhammad Jan's home in October 2020 and later charged her with causing a person to enter a forced marriage (their investigation also discovered Muhammad Jan had received a $14,000 dowry from Halimi). In an upcoming episode of the AFP's podcast Crime Interrupted, which was provided to Good Weekend, investigators explain that they thought a conviction against Muhammad Jan would set a precedent and deter others. It was also, says Detective Inspector Trevor Russell, 'an opportunity for Ruqia's voice to be heard'. But for many working on the forced-marriage problem, this was a low point. University of Wollongong criminologist Laura Vidal, who did her PhD on forced marriage, says the criminal justice system scapegoated one person within a complex dynamic. 'Nothing happened to the matchmaker, or the brothers, or the community or the 500 people who attended the wedding,' says Vidal. Loading Muhammad Jan was, like her daughter, a forced-marriage victim. At age 12 or 13, she married a fellow Afghani she'd never met. She gave birth to her first child in her early teens. She came to Australia as a refugee with four of her children in 2013 after the Taliban killed her husband. She was uneducated, spoke no English and heavily relied on Shepparton's Hazara community which, says Vidal, would have expected her, as a mother, to uphold her family's reputation and find a match for her unmarried daughter. Last year, in the Victorian County Court, Muhammad Jan was found guilty of causing a person to enter a forced marriage and sentenced to three years' jail with a one-year minimum. The court had heard how she developed serious depression after her daughter's murder and often dreamt of her calling out for help. At her sentencing, Muhammad Jan cried and told the judge, via an interpreter, that she'd done nothing wrong. Between 15 and 20 members of the Hazara community attended court that day, many also shouting and getting out of their seats. One collapsed and was taken away in an ambulance. 'It was the most dynamic scene I've ever seen in 11 years,' the AFP's detective senior constable Jacob Purcell told the podcast. The AFP had wanted Haidari's voice heard. But we'll never know what she would have said that day, watching her mother go to prison. For Vidal, the prosecution was proof that the criminalisation approach to force marriage had failed. 'We've got one prosecution in 12 years that was only possible because the victim died. Are we really happy with that?' She has studied various approaches to forced marriage globally and concluded that the best model is not our model – which she calls 'the victim-perpetrator binary' – it's understanding the cultural drivers and gender power dynamics of forced marriage, and working with families to shift behaviours. Danish experts are now setting up a trial of this approach at Life Without Barriers. Nesreen Bottriell, chief executive officer of the Australian Muslim Women's Centre for Human Rights, says the Muhammad Jan case has further damaged the relationship between Muslim communities and authorities. 'The community was shocked by this outcome. It's going to deter victim-survivors from seeking support for fear of their mother or family members being prosecuted.' Bottriell, whose organisation is one of the services victim-survivors can now use as an alternative to the AFP, says she feels authorities overly target the Muslim community on this issue and fail to consider other religions and communities. She says forced marriage is not religiously sanctioned by Islam. 'It's about power and control over women's decision-making.' Ben Moses, the AFP's acting commander for human exploitation, declined to directly respond to Bottriell's criticism. He says the AFP's focus isn't purely on prosecution, but also prevention through community education and giving victims choice. 'As we know, not everyone wants to engage in the criminal justice process and we acknowledge that.' Constable Taylah Potter, a Melbourne-based forced-marriage investigator, says in the past six months she's noticed a positive attitude shift, with more young people feeling empowered to discuss the issue with figures of authority. When I ask how she feels about her job, she says it's easy to get caught up in statistics and court outcomes, but then she'll help a 16-year-old at risk of forced marriage and 'it just completely changes the path of their life.' The joy of freedom Miriam serves me chocolate-covered pretzels, mini samosas and chai. She's wearing black pants, a smart, black short-sleeved top and lipstick. Her neat, one-bedroom rented unit is small, but it's hers. 'I never knew this concept, I don't know how to explain, just having basics, like having utensils, pots. And then when you move to a house, the bin schedule! Oh, my god, I hate that schedule. And cleaning. Proper cleaning, but with love.' Freedom for Miriam and Khadija is about choice. This rug, not that rug. Take this course, not that one. Go outside. Freedom. That's the upside of escaping forced marriage. The downside? It's that gaping hole left where a family once was. Miriam misses her beloved brother. Stealthily, she tracks him on social media. 'I'm trying to see if he would give any indication he wants me back in his life. If that's the case, I would take him in my arms.' Loading For Khadija, it's her sister, still overseas. Khadija is hopeful she'll not join the estimated 22 million people stuck in forced marriages globally. Recently, Khadija's been thinking about a moment before she left. Her father had brought two peaches. 'I think one of his love languages was definitely fruit,' she laughs. Khadija told him the peach was so sweet. The next day he brought a whole tray and said she could have as many as she liked. 'I just can't forget that. I'm like, 'How can you be such a good person and such a shitty person at the same time?' ' Meanwhile, Miriam is studying healthcare. She's got her flat, her licence, a job and a car. One day, she may even marry. 'I thought men were just heartless, cold, like, not giving any rights to women. Now that I'm outside I'm seeing my friends in their relationships, and it's different. It's caring, it's loving.' I ask about her big dreams for the future. She looks momentarily confused. 'This is what I was dreaming about. I'm there, right now.'

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