logo
Disadvantaged white pupils have ‘particularly poor' education outcomes

Disadvantaged white pupils have ‘particularly poor' education outcomes

The Institute for Government (IfG) think tank has said disadvantaged white pupils in England have 'particularly poor educational outcomes'.
An analysis by the IfG looks at the 'high-impact' group of pupils – those for whom disadvantage disproportionately affects their performance – which it said is made up mostly of white British pupils.
Local authority areas in the bottom fifth for the performance of disadvantaged pupils were 'disproportionately likely' to have 'above-average' shares of disadvantaged pupils from the high-impact group (or from white backgrounds), it found.
It comes after the Education Secretary Bridget Phillipson said it was a 'national disgrace' that so many white working-class children are being 'written off' in the education system.
Tens of thousands of pupils across England, Wales and Northern Ireland are due to receive their GCSE results on Thursday.
Many of the pupils who are waiting for their exam results were in Year 6 when schools closed due to the Covid-19 pandemic.
The report from the IfG analyses pupil performance at Key Stage 2 (Year 6) – the proportion of pupils reaching the expected standard in reading, writing and maths – at a local authority level to try to understand local variation.
It suggests educational inequalities have 'grown wider and more pronounced' across England and among demographic groups since the Covid-19 pandemic.
The think tank has said tackling high absence rates – particularly among disadvantaged pupils – 'will be key' to narrowing educational inequalities.
Recent Department for Education figures show that the number of children in England classed as 'severely absent', which means they missed at least 50% of possible school sessions, rose to nearly 150,000 in autumn 2024.
Amber Dellar, IfG researcher and report author, said: 'The pandemic has undone much of the last decade's progress in tackling educational inequalities, leaving some areas and groups of children far behind.
'The Government's opportunity mission is a good starting point for narrowing the gaps, but it lacks a clear vision or plan for delivering that goal in schools.
'Any serious plan must focus on helping schools share what works in supporting disadvantaged pupils and reducing their high rates of absence.'
Ms Phillipson told the PA news agency that her focus will be turning around the attainment gap between white working-class pupils and their peers.
Fewer than a fifth (18.6%) of white British pupils eligible for free school meals achieved at least a grade 5 – which is considered a 'strong pass' – in their English and maths GCSEs in 2023-24, compared to 45.9% of all state school pupils in England.
Earlier this month, the Education Secretary told PA: 'They're not well positioned to carry on with studies, to get an apprenticeship, to go on to university.
'That is why the schools White Paper we will be publishing in the autumn will set out an ambitious vision for how we can tackle this generational challenge of what many young people experience.
'(It) is a national disgrace that so many young people are written off and don't get what they need to achieve and thrive.'
A Department for Education spokesperson said: 'Tackling the baked-in inequalities in our education system will take time, but through our plan for change this Government is taking action against the root causes that we know are holding young people back.
'We are driving high and rising standards for every child through the expert-led Curriculum and Assessment Review, new Rise teams and strengthened school accountability.
'This comes alongside work to tackle disadvantage, including expanding free school meals, rolling out free breakfast clubs and revitalising family services in every local authority.
'But we know there is more to do, which is why we will bring about the reforms needed through our Schools White Paper later this year to create an education system where every child can thrive, regardless of their background.'
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Ex-council deputy leader to stand for Welsh Lib Dems
Ex-council deputy leader to stand for Welsh Lib Dems

South Wales Argus

timean hour ago

  • South Wales Argus

Ex-council deputy leader to stand for Welsh Lib Dems

Mike Hamilton has been selected as the party's lead candidate for the Casnewydd Islwyn constituency, which will be contested for the first time in the 2026 Welsh Parliament election. The seat covers the Westminster constituencies of Newport East, Newport West, and Islwyn. Dr Hamilton said: "Wales needs change after 26 years of mismanagement. "We need proper strategic management of the Welsh economy, not endless money wasting on vanity projects. "We need to fix the fundamental problems with the Welsh NHS, where Welsh patients wait much longer than English patients for key operations, despite equivalent per-patient spending. "And we need to ensure that Wales shows moral leadership on Gaza, where war crimes and human rights abuses have been met with a supine response by the UK Labour Government." A former Merchant Navy engineer and archaeologist, Dr Hamilton is well known in Newport for his community work. He previously served as deputy leader of Newport Council. The 2026 election will use a new proportional representation system, electing six members of the Senedd per constituency. This will increase the likelihood of smaller parties gaining seats in the Senedd. The Welsh Liberal Democrats are focusing their campaign on childcare, support for businesses, and investment in social care as part of their vision for improving the Welsh NHS. Nationally, the party secured more than 3.5 million votes at last year's general election, becoming the largest third party in the UK since 1923 with 72 MPs. The party has prioritised tackling sewage pollution, promoting social care reform, and supporting small and medium-sized businesses. It has also criticised the Labour government's handling of NHS waiting lists, opposed rises in national insurance, and called for the reversal of tax breaks for large banks.

Rachel Reeves's self-defeating attack on British racing
Rachel Reeves's self-defeating attack on British racing

Spectator

time3 hours ago

  • Spectator

Rachel Reeves's self-defeating attack on British racing

Few British traditions can claim as long a history as racing. The first races thought to have taken place in these islands were organised by Roman soldiers encamped in Yorkshire, pitting English horses against Arabian. By the 900s, King Athelstan was placing an export ban on English horses due to their superiority over their continental equivalents. The first recorded race meeting took place under Henry II in Smithfield as part of the annual Bartholomew Fair. Nearly 1,000 years later, racing remains the nation's second most popular spectator sport. Five million people attend more than 1,400 meets throughout the year. The industry is estimated to be worth more than £4 billion, contributing around £300 million to the Exchequer, and supports some 80,000 jobs. No activity better unites Benjamin Disraeli's 'two nations'. Royal Ascot, the Derby and the Grand National are cornerstones of the sporting calendar. Britain still produces many of the world's finest horses, jockeys and races. More than 600 million people across 140 countries tune in to the National each year; in this country alone, around 13 million people, a quarter of adults, bet on it. Britain's racing success is something to be proud of, which naturally means that Rachel Reeves has decided to go after it. The Treasury is proposing to increase the 15 per cent tax on bookmaker profits to 21 per cent – the same levy faced by online slot games and casinos. The British Horseracing Authority predicts the rate hike would cause a £330 million loss of revenue in its first five years, and put more than 2,500 jobs at risk in the first year alone. In response to the proposal, the BHA has called a strike for 10 September – the first in the industry's history. Rather than racing, jockeys, owners and trainers will decamp to Westminster to lobby MPs. The industrial action is expected to cost around £700,000. Many senior figures in the world of racing fear that increased costs for operators would mean less money available for promoting the sport. Worse odds would be offered to customers, making bookmakers less competitive compared with black market sites, which are now more easily accessible than ever thanks to the large increase in Virtual Private Network downloads by people trying to circumvent the Online Safety Act. Reduced turnover means reduced profits for bookmakers, 10 per cent of which are paid to a levy designed to support the sport through prize money, veterinary research and equine welfare. Even before the Treasury's planned hike, the recent introduction of more stringent affordability checks on online gambling means that turnover is down and fewer thoroughbreds are being bred. British racing is falling behind as owners, riders and horses decamp abroad to wealthier competitions. This leaves the long-term sustainability of British racing under threat. The Chancellor's latest attempt to find a few pennies down the back of the Treasury sofa would repeat the error of last year's inheritance tax raid on farmers and the imposition of VAT on private schools. It is a mean-spirited and self-defeating assault on a part of the country's history and way of life that the Labour party does not seek to understand. If racing unites the upper and lower classes, it is uniquely vulnerable to stigmatisation by the middle-class prudes found so dis-proportionately among our governing lanyard class. Of course, many Labour MPs are enthusiastic supporters of racing – 23 represent racecourse constituencies. But any attempt to squeeze the industry until the pips squeak is representative of a Treasury mentality that knows the cost of everything but the value of nothing. Taxing bookmaking at the same rate as online gambling draws a false equivalence between the two that ignores their fundamental differences. A punter at a race might enjoy six or seven bets in a day at most; an enthusiastic online gambler could place that number in a minute. Betting on racing requires research and skill (incidentally, The Spectator's own racing tipster, Penworthy, has had an excellent year). In contrast, online casinos are the gambling equivalent of Pac-Man, colourful distractions designed to be played on a loop. That is why online gambling and gaming make up the overwhelming majority of gambling addiction cases. In its zeal for protecting the vulnerable, the Gambling Commission, supported by the Treasury, could strangle the life out of the industry it regulates. In her quest to make her sums add up, Reeves may embark on another experiment which costs more than it raises. Reeves and the Treasury should recognise that next month's strike is an extraordinary protest from an industry facing an existential threat. Rather than breaking with the tradition of treating bookmaking differently to online gambling, the government should extend the industry support, through direct grants or a reformed betting levy. Yet with each day bringing rumours of the Treasury eyeing potential targets, the odds of the Chancellor putting the turf's future before her spreadsheets seem slim. Who would be willing to bet on it?

Nigel Farage is banking on a political sea change
Nigel Farage is banking on a political sea change

Spectator

time3 hours ago

  • Spectator

Nigel Farage is banking on a political sea change

Nigel Farage is adept at riding the currents of British politics. When he named Reform after the Canadian party in 2020, it was a statement of intent. Like Preston Manning in the 1990s, he aimed to displace this country's main centre-right party and refashion it in his image. But where Manning fell short, handing over the reins to Stephen Harper, Farage aims to go one better by becoming prime minister himself. A keen angler, Farage has spent his few moments of downtime this summer fishing. On one such trip, he took an assembled group of journalists to the English Channel to highlight the small boat crossings. Amid rising discontent, with protests outside asylum seeker hotels, Farage has netted a tidy haul of Tory defectors, including the Welsh MS Laura Ann Jones and London councillor Laila Cunningham. More are expected shortly. As well as new faces joining Reform, there are old ones too. Jack Duffin, a longtime loyalist, is the party's new director of campaigns. In a fortnight's time, Reform will head to Birmingham for its annual conference. 'The next step' is this year's slogan. Aside from the usual pyrotechnics, the event aims to show how much the party has grown in the past year. Reform are trying to form their own quasi–shadow cabinet, with key figures focusing on specific areas. Andrea Jenkyns and Lee Anderson will speak on a broader mix of themes and topics than last year. The party's long-awaited deportation strategy is expected to be unveiled next week. The party is currently bolstering its policy team but will adopt an à la carte approach to ideas taken from elsewhere. The influential Prosperity Institute, formerly Legatum, has extensive cross-party contacts and is credited by Farage with 'bringing fresh, young talent into current affairs'. The Cambridge academic James Orr, who helped to organise J.D. Vance's Cotswolds trip, sits on its advisory board alongside Lord Ridley and recently attended a Reform press conference. What Orr calls the 'politics of national preference' fits well with Farage's embrace of steel subsidies and water renationalisation. A handful of newer thinktanks are well placed to flourish, too. Some are run by onetime Farage allies. There is Fix Britain, led by Matthew Patten, a former Brexit party MEP, and the Centre for Migration Control, set up by former aide Rob Bates. The Centre for a Better Britain launches next month under the direction of Jonathan Brown, the party's previous COO. With Reform boasting a ten-point average polling lead, senior aides believe it's time for influential figures to start nailing their colours to the mast. 'The revolution will be kind to those that came early,' says one. 'But the clock is ticking for people to make up their minds.' Farage's 'Broken Britain' thesis fits well with the shifting tides on the broader right. Leading Tories such as Robert Jenrick and Nick Timothy are among those discovering a renewed interest in the writings of Charles de Gaulle and Roger Scruton, who dwelt on the theme of institutions that become corrupted or infiltrated. Conservative MPs increasingly express similar sentiments when they talk of the courts and the Church. 'To save the village we have to burn it,' says one MP of the post-Blair settlement. Kemi Badenoch has handed policy renewal to Neil O'Brien, a staunch critic of the ECHR. His journey from a sunnier form of Cameroon-style conservatism is seen by some colleagues as emblematic of many Tories' direction of travel. Incrementalism is out; radicalism is in. New groups which reflect the mounting public frustration at Britain's direction have formed to offer fresh ways to channel these objections. Toby Young's Free Speech Union has seen its membership jump from 14,000 to 32,000 in a year under Keir Starmer's government. 'Looking for Growth', founded by Dr Lawrence Newport, is trying to create a cross-party consensus to foster pro-growth policies. It has 19 chapters, and that is set to double to 39. At one meeting in Bristol, an attendee told the room: 'I am 25 years old. All I have ever known is decline.' Such comments reflect a broader sense of pessimism among the young. Ipsos polling suggests that Gen Z seem to be starting from a lower base of trust in their peers and institutions than previous generations. The government, meanwhile, is trying to ride out the storm. At the Design Museum last month, Pat McFadden, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, told digital innovators to 'forget chainsaws and wrecking balls, that's not what we are about'. He preferred to flag up 'the turnaround of the passport service' as a 'great example' of 'when the state has done really well'. Rather than kicking down the barn, Labour believes it can build on what is already there by modernising Whitehall. Plans will be set out this autumn to expand existing civil service access schemes for those joining from working–class backgrounds. In recent weeks, Labour has stepped up its attacks on Farage – a sign, Reform insiders say – of increasing desperation. Ministers have reportedly been authorised to accuse him of being on the side of sex offenders like Jimmy Savile in opposing the Online Safety Act, while backbenchers are encouraged to direct their fire at him in parliament. Following an article in The Spectator last week about 'Labour's 'dark arts' strategy', lawyers for George Cottrell, a longtime unpaid adviser to Farage, have written to Morgan McSweeney, Starmer's chief of staff, and the Labour party to demand an explanation. Cottrell believes he is the victim of 'defamation at industrial scale'. After the article was published, a Substack dedicated to attacking Cottrell disappeared, along with its associated X account. A subject access request has been filed to Labour, requesting any data the party has on Cottrell. Downing Street sources categorically deny the existence of any new 'attack team' in No. 10 with the remit of challenging Reform. The going is sure to get tougher for Reform but Farage is prepared. It was Jim Callaghan who said: 'Perhaps once every 30 years, there is a sea change in politics. It then does not matter what you say or do. There is a shift in what the public wants and what it approves of.' Much of the right is betting on such a sea change in 2029, with Farage – for now – most likely to be the captain at the helm.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store