Trump signs orders to bolster US drone defenses, boost supersonic flight
WASHINGTON: President Donald Trump on Friday signed executive orders to bolster US defenses against threatening drones and to boost electric air taxis and supersonic commercial aircraft, the White House said.
In the three executive orders, Trump sought to enable routine use of drones beyond the visual sight of operators — a key step to enabling commercial drone deliveries — and take steps to reduce the US reliance on Chinese drone companies and begin testing electric vertical takeoff and landing (eVTOL) aircraft.
Trump is establishing a federal task force to ensure US control over American skies, expand restrictions over sensitive sites, expand federal use of technology to detect drones in real time and provide assistance to state and local law enforcement.
Trump also aims to address the 'growing threat of criminal terrorists and foreign misuse of drones in US airspace,' said Michael Kratsios, director of the White House Office of Science and Technology Policy. 'We are securing our borders from national security threats, including in the air, with large-scale public events such as the Olympics and the World Cup on the horizon.'
Sebastian Gorka, senior director of counterterrorism at the National Security Council, cited the use of drones in Russia's war in Ukraine and threats to major US sporting events.
'We will be increasing counter-drone capabilities and capacities,' Gorka said. 'We will increase the enforcement of current laws to deter two types of individuals: evildoers and idiots.'
The issue of suspicious drones also gained significant attention last year after a flurry of drone sightings in New Jersey. The FAA receives more than 100 drone-sighting reports near airports each month.
Drone sightings have at times disrupted flights and sporting events.
Trump also directed the Federal Aviation Administration to lift a ban imposed in 1973 on supersonic air transport over land.
'The reality is that Americans should be able to fly from New York to L.A. in under four hours,' Kratsios said. 'Advances in aerospace engineering, material science and noise reduction now make overland supersonic flight not just possible, but safe, sustainable and commercially viable.'
The Trump orders do not ban any Chinese drone company, officials said. Last year, former President Joe Biden signed legislation that could ban China-based DJI and Autel Robotics from selling new drone models in the US DJI, the world's largest drone manufacturer, sells more than half of all US commercial drones.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Arab News
42 minutes ago
- Arab News
Trump and Musk break up, and Washington holds its breath
WASHINGTON: Maybe it was always going to end this way, with two billionaires angrily posting about each other on social media, fingers flying across pocket-sized screens as their incandescent feud burned hotter by the minute. But even if the finale was predictable, that didn't make it any less shocking. After long months when Donald Trump and Elon Musk appeared united in their chaotic mission to remake Washington, their relationship imploded this week like a star going supernova. It began with Musk complaining about the centerpiece of Trump's legislative agenda, which the president at first took in stride. Eventually Trump let slip that he was disappointed in his former adviser, prompting Musk to unleash a flood of insults and taunts. He accused Trump of betraying promises to cut federal spending, shared a suggestion that the president should be impeached and claimed without evidence that the government was concealing information about his association with infamous pedophile Jeffrey Epstein. Perhaps most viciously, Musk insisted that Trump wouldn't have won last year's election without his help. Trump, not one to slouch from a fight, could hold back no longer. He posted that Musk had been 'wearing thin,' that he had 'asked him to leave' his administration, that the tech titan had 'gone CRAZY.' Maybe, Trump threatened, he should save taxpayer money by canceling government contracts and subsidies for Musk's companies. Bad blood with high stakes On and on it went, as liberals savored the spectacle of their most despised political opponents clawing at each other's digital throats and conservatives reeled at the prospect of having to pick sides. Laura Loomer, a right-wing provocateur and conspiracy theorist, saw an opportunity to position herself as the voice of reason. 'This fight should be taken offline,' she said — on social media, of course. The question now is whether Trump and Musk find some way to step back from a battle that is tearing apart one of the most consequential relationships in modern American politics. If they don't, there's little telling how far the fallout could spread from a collision between the world's most powerful man and its wealthiest. At stake are the future of Musk's companies, including electric automaker Tesla and rocket manufacturer SpaceX; government programs that rely on the billionaire entrepreneur's technology; legislation for advancing tax cuts and Trump's other priorities in Congress; Republican chances in next year's midterm elections; and an entire political ecosystem that has orbited around Trump and Musk's deteriorating partnership. 'It's like India and Pakistan,' said Republican Rep. Ryan Zinke of Montana, referring to two nuclear-armed nations that recently skirmished along their border. 'It just escalates and neither one of them seem to back down and understand the strength of each other.' Opposites attracted (for a time) Trump and Musk were always an odd pairing, with contrasting world views and deep generational and stylistic differences. Trump, 78, comes from old-school New York real estate and never appears in public without a suit and tie unless he's on the golf course. Before running for president, he became a household name as a reality television star. Musk, 53, is an immigrant from South Africa who struck it rich in Silicon Valley. In addition to running Tesla and SpaceX, Musk owns the social media company X. He's fashioned himself as a black-clad Internet edgelord, and his wealth vastly outstrips Trump's. But Trump and Musk are kindred spirits in other ways. They're experts at generating attention who enjoy stirring the pot by riling up their opponents. Each has sought more power to accomplish existential quests. Trump assails the federal 'deep state' that resisted him during his first term, while Musk warns about the country going bankrupt from excessive spending and promotes an interplanetary future powered by his rocket technology. Musk endorsed Trump after the Republican candidate was nearly assassinated in Butler, Pennsylvania, and he began spending millions to support him. His social media megaphone was a powerful addition to Trump's comeback campaign, magnifying his efforts to court tech leaders and young, very online men. Trump rarely tolerates sharing the spotlight, but he seemed enamored with his powerful backer, mentioning him in stump speeches and welcoming him onstage at rallies. After the election, Musk was a fixture around Mar-a-Lago, posing for photos with Trump's family, joining them for dinner, sitting in on meetings. Instead of growing tired of his 'first buddy,' Trump made plans to bring Musk along to Washington, appointing him to lead a cost-cutting initiative known as the Department of Government Efficiency. Cracks emerge Musk tried to establish himself as the president's omniscient and omnipresent adviser. He held court in Cabinet meetings, slept over in the Lincoln Bedroom and helped himself to caramel ice cream from the White House kitchen. The federal bureaucracy practically trembled before Musk, who oversaw layoffs and downsizing with his team of acolytes and engineers embedded in various agencies. Musk appeared thrilled at his opportunity to tinker with the government and exulted in his bromance with Trump, posting on Feb. 7 that he loved the president 'as much as a straight man can love another man.' Trump returned the favor on March 11, allowing Musk to line up Tesla vehicles on the White House driveway as his company was struggling with declining sales. Trump made a show of choosing a cherry red electric car for himself. But cracks were emerging, especially as Trump pursued tariffs that could raise costs for Musk's businesses. Musk said Peter Navarro, the president's trade adviser, was 'truly a moron' and 'dumber than a sack of bricks' on April 8. The billionaire entrepreneur, who had never before worked in public service, seemed to be souring on government. He suggested there wasn't enough political will, either in Congress or in the White House, to adequately reduce spending. Trump started signaling that it was time for him to leave even though Musk said he would be willing to stay. Shortly before announcing his departure, Musk said he was 'disappointed' by legislation that Trump called the 'big beautiful bill' because it would increase the deficit. The measure includes tax cuts, more money for border security and changes to Medicaid that would leave fewer people with health insurance. 'I think a bill can be big or it could be beautiful,' Musk said. 'But I don't know if it could be both.' The criticism didn't prevent Trump from giving Musk a send-off in the Oval Office, where he presented his outgoing adviser with a ceremonial key. 'Elon is really not leaving,' Trump said. 'He's going to be back and forth.' Musk said, 'I'll continue to be visiting here and be a friend and adviser to the president.' The implosion comes hard and fast It's hard to imagine that now. Musk escalated his attacks on the legislation Tuesday, calling it a 'disgusting abomination,' and Trump tried to fend off the criticism. 'He hasn't said bad about me personally, but I'm sure that will be next,' the president said Thursday in the Oval Office during a meeting with the German chancellor. It was. Musk quickly took to X to vent his anger at Trump, saying his tariffs 'will cause a recession in the second half of this year' and accusing him of lying. He also said it was 'very unfair' that the legislation would eliminate tax incentives for electric vehicles. Trump fired back in real time as he tried to maintain momentum for his legislation, which faces a difficult debate in the Senate. 'I don't mind Elon turning against me, but he should have done so months ago,' the president posted. 'This is one of the Greatest Bills ever presented to Congress.' Meanwhile, some of Trump's allies plotted revenge. Steve Bannon, a former Trump adviser who hosts an influential conservative podcast, said the president should direct the US government to seize SpaceX. He also encouraged Trump to investigate allegations that Musk uses drugs and 'go through everything about his immigration status' in preparation for potential deportation. 'We'll see how good Elon Musk takes a little of that pressure,' Bannon said, 'because I happen to think a little of that pressure might be coming.'
Arab News
43 minutes ago
- Arab News
Trump says Elon Musk could face ‘serious consequences' if he backs Democratic candidates
BRIDGEWATER, N.J.: President Donald Trump is not backing off his battle with Elon Musk, saying Saturday that he has no desire to repair their relationship and warning that his former ally and campaign benefactor could face 'serious consequences' if he tries to help Democrats in upcoming elections. Trump told NBC's Kristen Welker in a phone interview that he has no plans to make up with Musk. Asked specifically if he thought his relationship with the mega-billionaire CEO of Tesla and SpaceX is over, Trump responded, 'I would assume so, yeah.' 'I'm too busy doing other things,' Trump continued. 'You know, I won an election in a landslide. I gave him a lot of breaks, long before this happened, I gave him breaks in my first administration, and saved his life in my first administration, I have no intention of speaking to him.' The president also issued a warning amid chatter that Musk could back Democratic lawmakers and candidates in the 2026 midterm elections. 'If he does, he'll have to pay the consequences for that,' Trump told NBC, though he declined to share what those consequences would be. Musk's businesses have many lucrative federal contracts. The president's latest comments suggest Musk is moving from close ally to a potential new target for Trump, who has aggressively wielded the powers of his office to crack down on critics and punish perceived enemies. As a major government contractor, Musk's businesses could be particularly vulnerable to retribution. Trump has already threatened to cut Musk's contracts, calling it an easy way to save money. The dramatic rupture between the president and the world's richest man began this week with Musk's public criticism of Trump's 'big beautiful bill' pending on Capitol Hill. Musk has warned that the bill will increase the federal deficit and called it a 'disgusting abomination.' Trump criticized Musk in the Oval Office, and before long, he and Musk began trading bitterly personal attacks on social media, sending the White House and GOP congressional leaders scrambling to assess the fallout. As the back-and-forth intensified, Musk suggested Trump should be impeached and claimed without evidence that the government was concealing information about the president's association with infamous pedophile Jeffrey Epstein. Musk appeared by Saturday morning to have deleted his posts about Epstein. Vice President JD Vance in an interview tried to downplay the feud. He said Musk was making a 'huge mistake' going after Trump, but called him an 'emotional guy' getting frustrated. 'I hope that eventually Elon comes back into the fold. Maybe that's not possible now because he's gone so nuclear,' Vance said. Vance called Musk an 'incredible entrepreneur,' and said that Musk's Department of Government Efficiency, which sought to cut government spending and laid off or pushed out thousands of workers, was 'really good.' Vance made the comments in an interview with ' manosphere' comedian Theo Von, who last month joked about snorting drugs off a mixed-race baby and the sexuality of men in the US Navy when he opened for Trump at a military base in Qatar. The Vance interview was taped Thursday as Musk's posts were unfurling on X, the social media network the billionaire owns. During the interview, Von showed the vice president Musk's claim that Trump's administration hasn't released all the records related to Epstein because Trump is mentioned in them. Vance responded to that, saying, 'Absolutely not. Donald Trump didn't do anything wrong with Jeffrey Epstein.' 'This stuff is just not helpful,' Vance said in response to another post shared by Musk calling for Trump to be impeached and replaced with Vance. 'It's totally insane. The president is doing a good job.' Vance also defended the bill that has drawn Musk's ire, and said its central goal was not to cut spending but to extend the 2017 tax cuts approved in Trump's first term. The bill would slash spending and taxes but also leave some 10.9 million more people without health insurance and spike deficits by $2.4 trillion over the decade, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office. 'It's a good bill,' Vance said. 'It's not a perfect bill.' The interview was taped in Nashville at a restaurant owned by musician Kid Rock, a Trump ally.
Arab News
3 hours ago
- Arab News
The second scramble for Africa's mineral wealth
An accelerating global push to combat climate change has unintentionally elevated Africa to a position of unprecedented strategic importance. The continent has nearly a third of the planet's known mineral reserves, including commanding shares of elements essential for decarbonization technology: 85 percent of global manganese, 80 percent of platinum group metals and chromium, and an estimated 70 percent of cobalt, concentrated primarily in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. These elements — lithium, cobalt, nickel, graphite, rare earths — form the physical foundation for electric vehicle batteries, renewable energy systems, and the advanced electronics critical for future green economies. As major economies aggressively pursue net-zero targets, securing reliable supplies of these materials has become synonymous with efforts to secure future economic competitiveness and national security. However, this convergence of ecological necessity and resource dependency is resurrecting deep-seated fears of renewed, intense competition for African resources, echoing historical patterns of extraction but amplified by 21st century geopolitics and the immense financial stakes of the inevitable energy transition. A lopsided equation is undercutting current dynamics, in which immense mineral wealth fails to translate into commensurate local socioeconomic benefits. Sub-Saharan African economies capture, on average, a mere $2 of every $5 of potential revenues from the extraction and export of their natural resources. The disconnect is sharply illustrated by the bauxite-aluminum value chain. The export of raw bauxite ore yields about $92 a tonne, while the export of refined aluminum commands prices of nearly $2,438 a tonne, earning exporters of the latter over 25 times more than exporters of the raw ore. At present, the focus is on the Democratic Republic of the Congo. It possesses the world's largest reserves of cobalt, which is critical for production of lithium-ion batteries, and remains overwhelmingly dependent on exports of raw or minimally processed materials. Most of the country's exports of critical minerals flows to China, which refines more than 60 percent of the world's lithium and 85 percent of rare earth elements. China's established dominance, built over decades through strategic industrial policies rather than vast domestic reserves, has led to Beijing's control over processing capacity, granting it significant leverage as exemplified by recent export controls on minor metals such as gallium and germanium. However, the reliance of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and the rest of Africa, on raw exports leaves economies there acutely vulnerable to commodity price swings, and denies them the jobs, technological transfers, and industrial development inherent in midstream and downstream processing. This persistent failure to capture added value represents a systemic economic failure that is perpetuating dependence despite possession of the very resources driving global technological advancement. In response, the US and its allies are scrambling to reduce these emergent vulnerabilities. Initiatives such as the Minerals Security Partnership aim to 'friendshore' supply chains among allied nations, while significant investments seek to boost domestic processing and recycling. At present, the US remains import dependent for 15 critical minerals, and more than 50 percent reliant for 34 others, with China supplying nearly half. This dependency is now driving rare, assertive diplomatic and commercial overtures toward mineral-rich African states — but they follow the same old formula of intense extractionism at the continent's expense. The contrasting approaches — multilateral partnerships versus unilateral actions, including overt pressure on resource access — are the hallmarks of the high-stakes nature of this brewing competition with Africa at its heart. The most immediate risk is a fragmentation of global supply chains along geopolitical lines, forcing African nations to make difficult choices. Africa's strategies must incorporate aggressive investment in domestic research and development. Hafed Al-Ghwell Optimistically, the meteoric growth in demand for Africa's critical minerals presents a potential inflection point. Properly harnessed, the revenue streams from these minerals, potentially worth trillions of dollars in the coming decades as demand soars, could catalyze fundamental transformations. Investment could flow into long-neglected areas, funding reliable electricity generation, modern transportation networks and, crucially, education and skills development in fields such as metallurgy, chemical engineering, and environmental sciences. A move beyond raw exports, for instance, to establish domestic refining and manufacture of components, such as battery precursors, is essential for African nations to capture more value from their resources and build resilient, diversified economies. Ghana's policy framework that bans raw mineral exports and promotes value-chain development, and nascent efforts such as a collaboration between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zambia on battery production, signal recognition of this imperative. Regional cooperation, such as exports of raw lithium from Zambia for refining in South Africa, offers further potential for shared industrial development. However, challenging obstacles threaten to derail the potential this holds and instead entrench a new era of even more exploitative relationships. Decades of mismanagement under the so-called 'resource curse,' weak governance, institutional fragility, pervasive corruption, and the tendency of elites to view national resources as private revenue streams for patronage networks rather than for the public good, remain pervasive challenges. Without robust democratic accountability, transparency mechanisms such as contract disclosures, and effective civil society oversight, any mineral windfalls are likely to fuel instability and inequality rather than broad-based, 'bottom up, middle out' development. Furthermore, the current lack of industrial capacity and technical expertise in Africa creates a dependency trap. Policies mandating local processing, such as Zimbabwe's requirement for lithium-refinement plans, often crash on the rocks of inadequate infrastructure and skills. After all, investors are less likely to pour money into a country that bleeds more than 6 percent of gross domestic product every year due to electricity shortfalls alone. The continent's negligible share of the global electric vehicle market, less than 1 percent, further complicates efforts to attract high-value manufacturing, as firms prioritize locations closer to large consumer bases, such as China, Europe, and North America. Perhaps the most underappreciated threat is technological obsolescence. The breakneck pace of innovation in materials science could rapidly devalue Africa's present mineral advantages. China's massive investments in sodium-ion battery technology, culminating in the opening of the world's largest storage system in 2024, aim to reduce dependence on lithium and cobalt. A successful large-scale transition to such alternatives could leave lithium and cobalt-rich African nations with 'stranded assets' if their resources are suddenly less critical to the global energy transition. Focusing solely on current extraction efforts and battery chemistry is therefore profoundly shortsighted. Africa's strategies must incorporate aggressive investment in domestic research and development, anticipate substitutions of materials, and position themselves within future, not only current, value chains. Failure to do so risks repeating the mistakes of history: immense wealth extracted, fleeting benefits captured locally and monopolized by cronyism, and enduring vulnerabilities left behind. The path forward demands a fundamental break from past practices. For African states, success hinges on the prioritization of long-term governance reforms, institutional strengthening, massive investment in human capital and infrastructure, and strategic regional integration to achieve economies of scale. Policies must be ruthlessly pragmatic, aligning industrial ambitions with realistic assessments of current capabilities while aggressively building future ones. The alternative, a frenzied rush for resources without addressing the root causes of Africa's historical marginalization within the global economy, risks not only the perpetuation of underdevelopment but also the fueling of instability that could disrupt the very supply chains the energy transition depends on.
