
South Korea's Liberal Opposition Candidate Wins Presidential Election
Seoul:
South Korea's liberal party candidate, Lee Jae-myung, was elected president in Tuesday's snap election, six months to the day after he evaded military cordons to vote against a shock martial law decree imposed by his ousted predecessor.
Lee's victory stands to usher in a political sea change in Asia's fourth-largest economy, after the backlash against the martial law brought down Yoon Suk Yeol, the conservative outsider who narrowly beat Lee in the 2022 election.
Nearly 80% of South Korea's 44.39 million eligible voters cast their ballots, the highest turnout for a presidential election in the country since 1997, with Lee terming the polls "judgment day" against Yoon's martial law and the People Power Party's failure to distance itself from that decision.
With more than 99% of the votes counted, the Democratic Party's Lee stood at 49.3% to PPP candidate Kim Moon-soo's 41.3%, according to National Election Commission data.
A subdued Kim conceded the race and congratulated Lee in brief remarks to reporters.
Lee had long been favoured to win, and his supporters erupted in cheers as exit polls by the country's major broadcasters showed him defeating Kim by wide margins.
In a brief speech to supporters gathered outside parliament after the polls closed, Lee said he would fulfil the duties of the office and bring unity to the country.
"We can overcome this temporary difficulty with the combined strength of our people, who have great capabilities," he said.
He also vowed to revive the economy and seek peace with nuclear-armed North Korea through dialogue and strength.
The martial law decree and the six months of ensuing turmoil, which saw three different acting presidents and multiple criminal insurrection trials for Yoon and several top officials, marked a stunning political self-destruction for the former leader and effectively handed the presidency to his main rival.
Yoon was impeached by the Lee-led parliament, then removed from office by the Constitutional Court in April, less than three years into his five-year term, triggering the snap election that now stands to remake the country's political leadership and foreign policies of a key U.S. ally.
Lee has accused the PPP of having condoned the martial law attempt by not fighting harder to thwart it and even trying to save Yoon's presidency.
Kim was Yoon's labour minister when the former president declared martial law on December 3.
"I was here on December 3 after martial was declared and December 14 when Yoon was impeached," said Choi Mi-jeong, 55, a science teacher who gathered outside parliament to hear Lee speak. "Now Lee Jae-myung is becoming president. I hope he will become a leader who supports ordinary people, not vested interests, not a small number of riches."
U.S. State Department spokesperson Tammy Bruce told a briefing that Washington was awaiting final certification before commenting.
Official results were expected to be certified by the National Election Commission on Wednesday morning after ballots are sorted and counted by machine, then triple-checked by election officials by hand to verify accuracy.
Just hours later, the inauguration ceremony is planned.
NEED FOR CHANGE
Park Chan-dae, acting leader of Lee's Democratic Party, told KBS that the projections suggest voters rejected the martial law attempt and are hoping for an improvement in their livelihoods.
"I think people made a fiery judgment against the insurrection regime," he said.
The winner must tackle challenges including a society deeply scarred by divisions made more obvious since the attempt at military rule, and an export-heavy economy reeling from unpredictable protectionist moves by the United States, a major trading partner and a security ally.
Both Lee and Kim pledged change for the country, saying a political system and economic model set up during its rise as a budding democracy and industrial power are no longer fit for purpose.
Their proposals for investment in innovation and technology often overlapped, but Lee advocated more equity and help for mid- to low-income families while Kim campaigned on giving businesses more freedom from regulations and labour strife.
Lee is expected to be more conciliatory toward China and North Korea, but has pledged to continue the Yoon-era engagement with Japan.
Kim branded Lee a "dictator" and his Democratic Party a "monster," warning if the former human rights lawyer becomes president, nothing will stop them from working together to amend laws simply because they do not like them.
' POLARISED '
"The economy has gotten so much worse since December 3, not just for me but I hear that from everybody," Kim Kwang-ma, 81, said. "And we as a people have become so polarised... I wish we could come together so that Korea can develop again."
There were no female candidates running in Tuesday's election for the first time in 18 years.
Despite polls showing wide gaps between young men and women, gender equality was not among the key policy issues put forward during this election, a stark contrast from the 2022 vote.
"One thing I am a bit frustrated about with mainstream candidates whether Lee Jae-myung or other conservative candidates is they lack policy on women or minority groups," said Kwon Seo-hyun, 18, a university freshman and first-time voter who went out to the streets for anti-Yoon protests following his martial law.
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South Korean President Takes Over A Country Deeply Split By Gender Politics
Liberal candidate Lee Jae-myung has won South Korea's snap presidential election with a clear lead. With all of the ballots counted, Lee won almost 50% of the vote, ahead of his conservative rival Kim Moon-soo on 41%. He takes over a country that is deeply divided along gender lines. Lee's campaign effectively channelled voter anger. He focused on resetting South Korea's politics after impeached former president Yoon Suk Yeol, who was from the same party as Kim, unleashed chaos by declaring martial law in December 2024. However, gender conflict has continued, subtly but powerfully, to shape voter behaviour, campaign strategies and the national debate about who is to blame for the lack of opportunities in South Korea for young men. The election took place three years after Yoon pipped Lee to the presidency by just a quarter of a million votes – the closest margin in the country's history. Yoon's victory was, as has been noted by researcher Kyungja Jung, 'the epitome of the utilisation of gender wars'. A key part of Yoon's strategy was fostering a sense among young Korean men that it was now them, rather than women, who were the victims of discrimination. He secured 59% of the vote from men in their 20s and 53% from men in their 30s. Just 34% of women in their 20s supported him. In the latest election, gender was everywhere and nowhere all at once. On the one hand, not a single candidate put forward a meaningful policy to address structural gender discrimination in the workplace, domestic violence or public sexual harassment. None even mentioned the gaping absence of women candidates, despite thousands of mostly young women having filled the streets demanding democracy after Yoon's martial law declaration. It was the first time in nearly 20 years that not a single woman stood among the contenders for the highest role in the country. 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In reality, their struggle has less to do with gender and more to do with structural inequalities in income and opportunity for all young Koreans. As Kyungja Jung observed in a paper from 2024: 'Misogyny becomes an outlet for their [South Korean men's] frustration and masculinity crisis as they search for a scapegoat for their struggles in neoliberal society. They blame women rather than the neoliberal economy.' Young people even from the best universities in Korea feel they cannot compete in the job market no matter what they do. South Korea now has one of the highest rates of young people not in education, employment or training among the OECD countries. This has given rise to the so-called 'N-Po' generation, who feel so disadvantaged that they have given up on all future dreams of marriage, family and a career. South Korea isn't alone in mobilising backlash against feminism and gender equality. Around the globe, gender has become one of the major fault lines in politics. In the November 2024 US election, Donald Trump led among young men by 14 points, while Kamala Harris had an 18-point edge with young women. Meanwhile, self-described misogynist Andrew Tate continues to shape young male attitudes online. And in Italy, Giorgia Meloni rose to power on a far-right platform that, despite being a woman herself, reduces women to their roles as mothers and homemakers. One model for change in South Korea could be to introduce quotas for women in politics to make their voices heard. Women only occupy around 20% of the 300 seats in South Korea's National Assembly, trailing well behind the global (27.2%) and Asian (22.1%) averages. If women are not in politics making decisions about themselves, then their voices will not be heard beyond the streets. Lee Jae-myung's win has given South Korea a moment to breathe. But the fault lines remain. When an entire demographic, be it young men or women, feels systematically unheard or structurally discriminated against, opportunistic voices can move in to fill the void. Gender is political. Ignoring it may be just as risky as confronting it head-on. (Authors: Ming Gao, Research Scholar of East Asia Studies, Lund University and Joanna Elfving-Hwang, Associate Professor (Korean Society and Culture), Director of Korea Research & Engagement Centre, Curtin University) (Disclosure Statement: Ming Gao receives funding from the Swedish Research Council. This research was produced with support from the Swedish Research Council grant "Moved Apart" (nr. 2022-01864). Ming Gao is a member of Lund University Profile Area: Human Rights. Joanna Elfving-Hwang receives funding from the Academy of Korean Studies. This research was supported by the Core University Program for Korean Studies through the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2022-OLU-2250005)

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