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Where does the censorship stop?

Where does the censorship stop?

Yahoo14-05-2025

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​​​​If you remember visiting the local library as a child, you likely went with your mom or dad, a teacher or with nothing more than your bike and a backpack.
Chances are state lawmakers or religious zealots did not escort you inside, and you didn't have to wonder whose stories were hidden behind locked doors or inside a vault because nothing was locked up.
By 'whose stories,' I refer to those books that reflect the lives of readers who may not often be depicted in literature, much less in a positive manner. So, a Black child who can't read about racial prejudice in Maya Angelou's I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings might blame himself for his own race-based struggles in a white-dominated society. The child who was molested might blame himself until he reads another book often targeted by censors, Toni Morrison's The Bluest Eye. Or teenagers questioning their own sexual identity might fear they're the only ones with such a quandary until they read Maia Kobabe's Gender Queer. Kobabe's book was one of numerous books targeted by former state senator Jason Rapert of Conway during his tumultuous time on the Arkansas State Library Board.
Recently, the Arkansas Legislature chose to abolish that board, which wasn't as censorship-prone as many lawmakers apparently wanted, and to have the governor appoint a new panel. As if that weren't bad enough, the legislature later approved a bill requiring librarians in schools with kindergarten through fifth-grade students to 'store non-age-appropriate sexual content … in a locked compartment within a designated area.' The bill defines 'non-age-appropriate sexual content' as 'any materials that include explicit instruction, promotion, or advocacy of sexual ideology, behaviors, or orientations that are not developmentally appropriate for kindergarten through grade five … students.'
The law does not specify who decides what is age-appropriate.
Arkansas' escalating campaign of censorship represents yet another vague, punitive, and politically motivated attempt to chill free expression and intimidate public servants.
– Megan Bailey, communications director, ACLU of Arkansas, referring to Act 917 of 2025
This escalation in the war against libraries and public school teachers came after a federal judge in December struck down challenged provisions of Act 372 of 2023 which sought to criminalize librarians who provided minors with access to inappropriate books.
Part of Act 372 that went unchallenged in court and that became law 'already requires school libraries to place books deemed to be inappropriate in an area inaccessible to students under 18,' said Deborah Caldwell-Stone, director of the American Library Association's Office for Intellectual Freedom.
So, why was the lock-'em-up measure, Act 917 of 2025, even needed? Perhaps, for show, for politicians to look tough when it comes to already-denigrated librarians and teachers.
I asked Megan Bailey, communications director for the American Civil Liberties Union of Arkansas, about the possibility of the ACLU's suing over Act 917.
'We are currently reviewing all options and are continuing to monitor how this and related laws are enforced,' Bailey replied.
Referring to 'Arkansas' escalating campaign of censorship,' Bailey said Act 917 'represents yet another vague, punitive, and politically motivated attempt to chill free expression and intimidate public servants.'
'While it may appear narrower than Act 372 on its face, the lack of clarity around what constitutes 'developmentally appropriate' content — and the threat of civil lawsuits against libraries and librarians — creates a chilling effect that will likely lead to over-removal of lawful, constitutionally protected materials out of fear of retribution,' Bailey said in an email.
Caldwell-Stone said in an email that, nationally, Act 917 'is unique in that it requires books that are deemed to include 'advocacy of sexual ideology, behaviors, or orientations' not developmentally appropriate for K-5 students to be kept under lock and key, requires parental permission to access such books, and includes provisions for punishing schools and educators who do not comply.'
'In targeting books that address or include themes about gender and sexual orientation, the law may be engaging in unconstitutional viewpoint discrimination under the First Amendment. Additionally, the parental permission requirement could also be found unconstitutional and a violation of students' rights to access books in the school library,' Caldwell-Stone said.
She noted that in 2003, a federal court ruled against the Cedarville, Arkansas, School Board when the court 'set aside a school board's requirement that students submit a written parental permission slip to access the Harry Potter series.'
'It held having to obtain parental permission to check out the books from the school library constituted a restriction on access that violated the students' First Amendment rights, given that the books had been restricted because school board members 'dislike[d] the ideas contained in those books,'' Caldwell-Stone said.
'Laws that impose ambiguous standards and threaten punishment for subjective violations raise serious First Amendment concerns. Librarians should not have to face punishment for failing to implement vague, content-based restrictions,' she added.
Despite court rulings and astute cautions, books and intellectual freedom have long been targets of the morality police, though I can't remember a time when the far right targeted libraries in Arkansas as much as it has recently.
Censorship was, of course, a hallmark of the late 1940s-50s McCarthy era, and I trust — no, I only hope — that few politicians today yearn to be identified with an era that blacklisted artists and censored books. (Case in point: Ray Bradbury's dystopian 1953 novel Fahrenheit 451, in which firefighters burn down any houses that contain outlawed books, was published 'for many years' only in a censored version, according to PEN America, a free-expression advocacy nonprofit.)
Lest you think the ACLU, the ALA and I are overreacting, note that in 1965 the novel Black Beauty was banned in South Africa during that country's apartheid era because of the word 'Black' in the title, according to PEN America.
In the United States, the first book in J.K. Rowling's Harry Potter series became the most often challenged book in libraries from 2000-2009, according to the American Library Association. And the U.S. Naval Academy, responding to President Donald Trump's anti-diversity orders, removed nearly 400 volumes from its library this year.
Where does the censorship stop? Should the Bible be banned because it features stories of polygamy, incest and horrific death? I say no. But if the censors are consistent, they will say yes.

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Trump vs. Harvard. How does it end?
Trump vs. Harvard. How does it end?

Boston Globe

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Trump vs. Harvard. How does it end?

The following is a lightly edited transcript of the June 5 episode of the 'Say More' podcast. Shirley Leung: I'm Shirley Leung. Welcome to 'Say More.' With the moving of tassels and tossing of caps, the school year has come to a close at Harvard University and what a tumultuous year it has been. President Donald Trump has gone to war with the nation's most elite university. The White House has canceled a sweeping array of grants and contracts worth billions of dollars with no plans to let up. Then in late May, Trump moved to prohibit international students from enrolling at Harvard. They make up more than a quarter of its student population. Harvard has filed lawsuit after lawsuit to stop Trump from destroying what makes the university great. As we head into the summer, Harvard is at a crossroads with much of its fate hanging in the courts. Hilary Burns, the higher education reporter for the Boston Globe, is covering it all. So Hilary, we're taping this on Friday, May 30th, a day after Harvard's graduation. How do you think graduation went this year? Hilary Burns: It's really amazing the difference between last year's commencement and this year's. Last year, Alan Garber, president of Harvard, was not popular. He had just succeeded Claudine Gay and had been in the role for a few months. When graduation came, students were really unhappy with the administration's handling of the pro-Palestinian encampment that had been in the Harvard Yard. So, there was a massive walkout of hundreds of graduates. The people were really not happy. Garber sat there stoically with a straight face as the protest happened, and then commencement proceeded. This year, it was very different. Alan Garber is a celebrity at Harvard right now. The community is rallying behind him. He walked through the commencement ceremony towards the stage with the other deans, and there was a standing ovation before he even said a word. He also struck a tone of defiance, which is noteworthy, coming from this soft mannered man. Alan Garber (clip from 2025 graduation speech): Welcome members of the class of 2025, members of the class of 2025 from down the street across the country, and around the world. Around the world, just as it should be. Leung: What I find so remarkable about this year is that we all thought the previous academic year was seismic. With all these campus protests throughout the year, the resignation of Claudine Gay, Harvard's first Black president after only six months at the helm, does that chapter now feel almost quaint compared to the chaos now? Burns: I certainly didn't anticipate the higher education beat becoming this busy when I signed up for the role, I'll tell you that. But I think that I see it as very connected. The current academic year, the issues and the problems and the escalation between the Trump administration and Harvard really started on October 7th, 2023. We heard that the conflagration that erupted on campus after October 7th led to the resignation of Claudine Gay. Those were the tremors that led to this current moment. Harvard became the symbol of everything the Trump administration is against. They say that it's this far-left institution, that it's a hotbed of antisemitism. All of their buzzwords in one is 'Harvard.' It's become the perfect punching bag for them to go after. So a lot of our coverage last year was touching on issues that are now right in front of us. It's very connected. Leung: So, I want to go back to the beginning of the academic year, around September 2024. What was it like when students returned? Were there still protests on campus? Burns: Good question. So last summer, administrators across the country, not just at Harvard, were scrambling to revisit their rules and regulations around protest and speech on campus. There were restrictions across the board when everyone came back to campus in the fall semester. Harvard would probably say they clarified their rules. Other campuses adopted completely new rules and really buckled down. There were not widespread protests in the fall semester. There were very few protests and we saw protestors getting in trouble much more often. There would be people out there writing down their names, filming every protest, and they were trying to follow their own rules, because that was a big criticism that these campuses were letting things get out of hand and they were not enforcing their own rules. So, the fall semester was pretty quiet. It was very different from last spring. We kept talking to the protestors and they kept saying, 'Oh, we're working on something, we're trying to figure something out.' And they did have a few demonstrations here and there, but the election was really the turning point in the semester. The atmosphere shifted at that point. Leung: One of the big themes of this academic year at Harvard, and this is after President Trump returned to the White House, is Harvard leading the higher education resistance. There's something of an irony here, because last year, Harvard decided it would adopt a policy of institutional neutrality, meaning it no longer would comment on public matters that don't relate to their core function. Of course, Trump going after Harvard affects their core function in a big way. So are you surprised how much Harvard is standing up to Trump? Burns: I was a little surprised, because based on what we saw at Columbia, I think Harvard had no interest in being the face of any resistance movement against Trump. That was not on their wishlist, not something they wanted to do. I think everyone at Harvard was kind of relieved when Trump was picking on Columbia so much earlier in the year thinking, 'Okay, maybe we'll just quietly keep working on the reforms that we have going and strengthening our campus, working on civil discourse and how to have difficult conversations with one another.' So they were doing that work quietly and trying to just keep their heads down. And of course, the Trump administration turned their attention to Harvard. That was the big question: Will Harvard stand up? Or will they follow in Columbia's footsteps and try to come to some kind of deal with the Trump administration? And most everyone I spoke to thought that Harvard would follow in Columbia's footsteps and would not stand up to Trump. So when they did receive that demand letter in April from the Trump administration that just had so many egregious demands that they felt infringed on academic freedom, leaders of Harvard decided they could not engage with this. They could not make a deal under these terms, and they resisted. And that, was a surprising moment. Leung: We're seeing and hearing a lot from Harvard President Alan Garber. He was Harvard University's provost up until he got promoted to president. He's a doctor by training. Up until then, he's kind of kept a pretty low profile. But now, he's on the television, he's on the radio. He's getting a standing ovation at graduation. How do you think Garber is navigating this moment? You had a chance to sit down and talk to him, right? Burns: I did, yes. We sat down with him at the end of April in his office, and he was very calm. That was my biggest takeaway, how calm he was despite just the onslaught coming his way. He is a very mellow person from everyone we've talked to. He's mild mannered, and we've talked to some people who say that is really good for this moment. That if there was someone who was very temperamental and went off, that might escalate things. And Trump is looking for a fight. We talked with an attorney who worked with Trump previously who told us that nothing gets Trump going more than someone picking a fight with him. So, once Harvard stood up and said, 'We cannot acquiesce to these demands that you're giving us.' That just made the Trump administration double down even more. Now every time Alan Garber speaks publicly, I think it creates this deep irritation inside the Trump administration that he has this rallying cry behind him. Our reporting is showing that all of this support behind him is making the Trump administration very annoyed. Leung: When it comes to attacking Harvard, the Trump administration is flooding the zone, right? They're canceling grants. They're revoking the visas of international students. They're threatening to take away Harvard's tax exempt status. Harvard is the richest and most powerful university in the world. So how vulnerable is it really? Burns: That's something we spent most of the week reporting out of. This is the wealthiest university in the country, and they do have vast resources. Of course, Harvard is always quick to remind folks that most of their endowment is restricted and they're legally obligated to use the donations as the donor asked them to when they gave them the gift. So it's not just a rainy day fund that they have, sitting right there. However, they do have vast resources. And if any institution can take on the Trump administration, it is Harvard. That doesn't mean they're going to get through this without pain. They're entering a period of austerity. People inside Harvard are bracing for layoffs. Research projects are being canceled or moved to other universities. This is not what Harvard had in mind when they were doing their five and 10 year strategic planning a few years back. This is going to be really painful for them. But, our reporting shows that it seems like Harvard can outlast the Trump administration. I think they're optimistic that they can outlast him. There is also a last resort we learned about this week. I talked to a Harvard graduate who's a law professor at University of California Los Angeles who was telling me that there is this kind of obscure law that Harvard could go to the Massachusetts Attorney General's office and say to them, 'We are facing an existential crisis. We really need to lift some of the restrictions off our endowment, so we can use it to defend Harvard against the Trump administration.' If the Attorney General's office agreed, they could go with Harvard to court to argue for these restrictions to be lifted. So it's pretty rare for universities to go that route and it's unclear if a judge would agree with Harvard. But, this attorney thought that they would have a really strong case as a last case scenario if they did need more funding. Leung: Last year donors and alumni were upset with Harvard over rising campus antisemitism and Claudine Gay's plagiarism scandal as a scholar that helped ultimately lead to her downfall. Has anger subsided or are tensions still simmering? Burns: There are still donors, some big donors, who are still really upset with Harvard. Bill Ackman is probably the most outspoken of these donors, and he really believes that Harvard should have made a deal with the Trump administration. He says that the Trump administration is asking for reasonable measures. Maybe they're overreaching in their tactics in how they're asking, but Ackman believes these are reforms that Harvard must do to save itself. Even some of the harshest critics of Harvard last year, besides Ackman, have changed their tune. They have said, 'Well, Harvard actually has made a lot of adjustments that we were asking for.' They launched this antisemitism task force that came out with a pretty searing report a few weeks ago. They adopted a definition of antisemitism, even though a lot of scholars said that it went too far to suppress free speech. They've also made a lot of progress in the overall environment for discourse on campus. So even some of the big donors who were really upset last year have told us that they are giving again to Harvard. Leung: Back in April, Garber penned this very defiant letter to the campus community, making it very clear that Harvard would not fold to any of Trump's demands. Basically it sounded like Trump wanted to put the university in receivership, of some sort. Do you think there's any negotiation going on, even privately? The Boston Globe editorial board recently urged conservative Harvard alums like Bill Ackman, Steven Bannon, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. to try to broker peace or some kind of truce between Harvard and the administration. Do you think any of that is happening behind the scenes? Burns: None that we can tell. Our latest reporting shows that conversations have completely broken down. Trump is out there disparaging Harvard, often in public, in pretty intense statements and remarks about them. He was quoted saying Harvard is 'getting their ass kicked' this week. And he's not wrong. This is really painful. What they're going through right now, they have cut off a critical source of funding. The threat of international enrollment at Harvard is an unthinkable threat to the institution and international enrollment is about a quarter of the student body. Those international scholars contribute so much to the academic vitality of the institution. It's really what makes Harvard Harvard , as Garber said recently. Harvard's enduring a lot of pain, but there's no signs that we can tell that they are talking right now. It's really a question of, can Harvard outlast this administration at this point? Leung: Let's sear in on the status of international students, because that's what makes Harvard a really special place, the ability to draw the best and brightest students and researchers from all over the world. Even if Harvard wins its lawsuit, to stop the administration from preventing international students coming to Harvard, is the damage done? Would international students even want to take the risk of trying to study in the United States, especially because Harvard has a target on its back? Burns: We are hearing a lot of concern about that. I think right now we're hearing people saying, 'What parents would want to send their child to the US based on what has been happening here?' We hear anecdotes of people saying, 'Will my child get a parking ticket and then end up being detained because of something they said on social media?' There's just so much risk that academics I talk to are really worried about. We'll see students opting to go study in Australia or the United Kingdom or any number of countries instead of the United States. So, it's something that we'll be watching closely. We just don't know what kind of chilling effect the actions and rhetoric as of late will have. Leung: What do Harvard's actions this year tell us about the changing shape of elite higher education? Hilary: It is interesting right now. The Trump administration is still working on its vision for higher education. They haven't laid out a concrete vision. It feels like they're throwing a wrecking ball at higher education. Several questions I have are, 'What is the plan? Where will there be growth? Do you really wanna hurt all of American higher education? Where do you want it to change?' Based on conversations I've been having with folks at The Heritage Foundation and others close to the Trump administration, they tell me that there are places around the country that they think are doing better than some of the schools in the Northeast that they believe are just too far left, in their mind. However, they think that higher education in America is not where they need it to be with diversity, equity, and inclusion. It really comes down to DEI. They want to pull out DEI from all academic institutions. It will be really interesting to see how that plays out, because they're clearly using all the levers available to them to push schools to align with their worldview. So, we'll see how schools navigate that space. We are seeing more and more DEI offices being renamed, shut down, or resources are reallocated throughout universities. I expect that will only continue. Leung: Why is the Trump administration still so focused on rolling back diversity, equity, inclusion? Are they just using that to destroy higher education or are they really just going after DEI? Burns: When I ask these folks what this is really about, they really believe that there is an anti-white bias at these institutions. It's illegal in their view and they want these schools to enforce civil rights laws. They believe that DEI offices create this ideology and this mindset of anti-white bias. That's really what it comes down to. Leung: What are you watching going into the summer? Will Alan Garber still be president by the fall? Will Penny Pritzker, the senior fellow at the governing board of Harvard, still be around? It seems like there are a lot of heads rolled in higher education during these times. What are you looking for? Burns: Even before Trump took office, it is pretty remarkable that Republicans have knocked down four Ivy League presidents in 18 months. So will Alan Garber have a job moving forward? The Harvard community is certainly behind him and Harvard makes decisions for Harvard as of right now, so I don't think he'll go anywhere. I think there is a lot of support behind him. We are reporting that the Trump administration is calling for him and Penny Pritzker to resign. I haven't seen any indication that will happen, but I guess anything could happen. I think it's so interesting seeing so much disruption in this sector that really has always done business the same way. So, I'm watching to see how schools are navigating this moment of immense uncertainty. And of course, at Harvard, we're waiting to see what shoe drops next and how they'll continue to navigate this really impossible situation they're in with the Trump administration. Leung: Well, Hilary, I know you are super busy. There's so much going on with Harvard and all of higher education, so thank you for coming on. Hilary Burns covers higher education for the Boston Globe. I hope you get some kind of summer break. Burns: Yeah, maybe. I'll chase my toddler around the beach a couple times, but I think there's much to do right now in higher education, so I'll stay on it. Listen to more 'Say More' episodes at Kara Mihm of the Globe staff contributed to this report. Shirley Leung is a Business columnist. She can be reached at

The Daily Money: Were Target DEI protests fake?
The Daily Money: Were Target DEI protests fake?

USA Today

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  • USA Today

The Daily Money: Were Target DEI protests fake?

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Dismissed by DEI: Trump's Purge Made Black Women With Stable Federal Jobs an ‘Easy Target'
Dismissed by DEI: Trump's Purge Made Black Women With Stable Federal Jobs an ‘Easy Target'

Yahoo

time2 hours ago

  • Yahoo

Dismissed by DEI: Trump's Purge Made Black Women With Stable Federal Jobs an ‘Easy Target'

This story was originally published by ProPublica. In February 2020, President Donald Trump's first education secretary issued a memo to employees emphasizing the department's policy 'to ensure that diversity, inclusiveness, and respect are integral parts of our day-to-day management and work.' 'Diversity and inclusion are the cornerstone of high organizational performance,' Betsy DeVos continued, adding that all people were welcome in the Department of Education. The memo ended with a call for employees to 'actively embrace' principles of diversity, equity and inclusion, or DEI. As part of that push, Quay Crowner was among the top education officials who enrolled in the 'diversity change agent program.' Crowner thought little of it at the time. She had over two decades filled director-level human resources roles at several federal agencies, including the IRS and Government Accountability Office, and she'd participated in seminars on leadership and workplace discrimination. But five years later, as Trump entered office a second time, his administration's tune on DEI had changed. Crowner was abruptly placed on leave under Trump's executive order to dismantle DEI programs across the federal government. As a longtime manager familiar with federal hiring and firing policies, Crowner, 55, believed she knew what it looked like to be unfairly targeted. Her current job as the director of outreach, impact and engagement at the Education Department was not connected to diversity initiatives. She said the only part of her responsibilities that could have been considered DEI was that her team guided students who'd had trouble navigating financial assistance applications; while most people who seek federal student aid are from disadvantaged backgrounds, her office was a resource for any and all and had no diversity mandate. She was not involved with hiring and retention efforts. More troubling, she said, was that she was the only person on her team who had been let go, and her bosses refused to answer her questions about her dismissal. When she and colleagues from different departments began comparing notes, they found they had one thing in common. They had all attended the training encouraged under DeVos. They also noticed something else: Most of them were Black women. 'We are still just in utter shock that the public service we took an oath to complete … has fallen apart,' said Crowner, whose bills related to an injury and health issues are likely to mount as she loses her federal health care coverage. 'We never imagined that this would be something that would happen to us.' Her experience is part of a largely untold story unfolding as Trump dismantles civil rights and inclusion programs across government: Many of those being forced out, like Crowner, are Black women who spent decades building a career of government service, only to see those careers shattered in a sudden purge. ProPublica interviewed Crowner and two other career civil servants, all Black women, who are among the hundreds of fired federal employees represented in a legal action brought against the Trump administration. Filed in March with the U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board by legal teams including the Washington branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, the case contends the administration violated the First Amendment rights of employees by targeting them for holding views perceived as contrary to the Trump 2.0 doctrine. What has received less attention is the suit's claim that the administration also violated Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. They claim the DEI purge disproportionately affected those who aren't white men. Hard numbers documenting the demographics of those forced out by Trump are hard to attain. The Trump administration has provided little information on those being fired, and a revolving door of firings and reinstatements in some departments makes capturing formal figures even more challenging. But a broad assessment of Trump's firings by ProPublica and other media shows the agencies with the most diverse staffs are often the hardest hit. Before the firings, the Education Department's staff was majority nonwhite, with Black women making up about 28% of workers, the most recent federal data shows. According to a New York Times tracker of the firings, that department has seen a reduction of about 46% of its staff. The staff of the U.S. Agency for International Development was majority women and nearly 40% racial and ethnic minorities before Trump all but eliminated it. Meanwhile, at the Department of Justice, where white personnel make up two-thirds of the workforce, most of it men, staff has been cut just 1%, according to the most recently available federal data and the Times tracker. The Department of Energy, more than 70% white, saw a reduction of about 13%. Lawyers representing federal employees whose careers and families have been uprooted cite anecdotal evidence of disparate impact, a key ingredient in many successful civil rights claims. 'We have observed approximately 90% of the workers targeted for terminations due to a perceived association with diversity, equity and inclusion efforts are women or nonbinary,' said Kelly Dermody, one of the plaintiffs' attorneys, who have asked an administrative law judge to approve class-action status for the fired employees. Nearly 80% of potential case plaintiffs are nonwhite, she said; most of that cohort are Black women. A spokesperson for the White House declined to comment. The Education Department did not respond to a request for comment. Since reentering office, Trump has made clear his feelings about diversity programs, referring to them in an executive order as 'Radical and Wasteful Government DEI Programs and Preferencing.' Ronicsa Chambers graduated from Florida A&M University, a historically black college, in 1990. Afterward, she got an MBA from Johns Hopkins University and landed a finance job with U.S. Airways, where she fell in love with aviation. In 2005, she left the private sector to work in finance for the Federal Aviation Administration. She worked her way up the chain and, by 2019, helped create a program to address a lack of diversity in the agency by gaining the interest of graduates from historically black colleges and universities, or HBCUs. In 2022, Chambers was named Air Traffic Manager of the Year. 'I didn't even know that non-air traffic controllers could get that award, and I was so proud,' she said. As titles in government do, hers changed in December 2024 as her team's mission expanded to help FAA employees with issues such as providing accommodations so people with disabilities could do their jobs. Then this January, she felt as though she'd been hit 'in the face with a brick.' She was told on a video conference call that her FAA career was over. Though her work had involved DEI in the past, it was no longer in her title or her job description, and she said no one had asked her what her job entailed before she was removed. She said she began moving through stages of grief but keeps coming back to anger because her team members — five Black women and one white man with a disability — were told they would be reassigned. She says they never were. 'As far as we know, we're the only ones still on administrative leave,' she said, referring to those removed as part of Trump's DEI executive order. It's unclear if the FAA, whose workforce was largely spared due to recent airline safety concerns, has fired or even fired and rehired people in departments outside of Chambers' team. A spokesperson for the FAA did not respond to requests for comment. The FAA has long been criticized for its lack of diversity. According to the most recent federal data, the agency was composed of 57% white men compared with 4.4% Black women. Scott Michelman, an ACLU of DC attorney working on the complaint against the Trump administration, said Chambers' case underscores how mass firings aimed at people who had even a peripheral connection to a DEI program, past or present, 'harms the American people.' 'It takes dedicated, experienced, award-winning civil servants out of their job, their expertise, the place where we as the public want them and need them so that our government works for us,' he said. 'This is a lose-lose.' Key to their case is the argument that minority workers were disparately impacted, a long-held civil rights theory at which Trump has taken direct aim. In April, Trump issued an executive order to broadly eliminate that doctrine from civil rights enforcement, one of many steps he's taken to reverse the traditional role of the federal government in protecting individuals from issues such as housing and employment discrimination. For instance, the Trump administration gutted the Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights, which was tasked with ensuring equal treatment for students regardless of gender and race, and instead focused that office at targeting transgender athletes and their schools. Lawyers and former employees say focusing on people who may have had some DEI training or job duties would cause greater harm to nonwhite employees. And historically, the federal government has been a prominent force in upward mobility. 'For a segment of Black America, the federal government has been crucial to stepping up,' said Marcus Casey, an economist and associate professor at the University of Illinois Chicago. The opening of federal work following the Civil Rights Movement provided an alternative to manual labor, teaching or ministerial work in the form of white-collar jobs and skills training that many took into private sector jobs. Today, Black people make up about 18.6% of the federal workforce, larger than their percentage in the overall U.S. workforce, 12.8%, according to the Pew Research Center. 'So, you think about HBCU graduates, like Howard University, a lot of these people tell us the same story: 'This is where I started. This is where I got my first internship,'' Casey said. Sherrell Pyatt's family story is quintessentially American. Her great-grandfather served in the Vietnam War and, on his return, took a job in the U.S. Postal Service, a key employer in the story of upward mobility for middle-class Black families. His granddaughter, Pyatt's mother, also found a career at the Postal Service. So, even though she would attain more education than the previous three generations, it seemed fitting that eventually Pyatt would find herself at the Postal Service. Pyatt grew up in the Bronx, New York City's poorest borough, but tested well enough to attend a private school. She became the first of her family to get a degree, from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where she worked to pay tuition. She got a master's degree and worked at a nonprofit before landing a job in 2014 with the Postal Service, shaping policy as a government relations specialist. While at USPS, she coordinated with Customs and Border Protection to stop drug shipments through the mail. That experience, as well as her fluency in Spanish, led her to a similar role at Immigration and Customs Enforcement. While there, she was involved in immigrant removal operations as part of Trump's first-term 'zero tolerance' clampdown on border crossings. She next transferred to CBP, where she helped investigate deaths of migrants in federal custody and rampant racism in a Facebook group of Border Patrol agents. During the COVID-19 pandemic, both of her parents fell ill, and she moved to an Atlanta suburb to care for them. To make the move work, she transitioned to a job at the Federal Emergency Management Agency, where she worked as a supply chain analyst, ensuring that equipment such as medical masks made their way to U.S. hospitals. In early 2024, she moved yet again, to the Department of Homeland Security's Office for Civil Rights and Civil Liberties, which investigates allegations of rights abuses lodged by both immigrants and U.S. citizens. 'My team was almost exclusively African Americans, and I think it's just because of the experience of Black people in this country,' Pyatt said. 'We seem to be more likely to go into those types of roles — one, because we have experience, and two, because of the passion to make a difference.' In March, the Trump administration fired nearly all 150 employees in that office, including Pyatt. A DHS spokesperson did not respond to a request for comment about her firing. 'I think it was an easy target to get rid of people of color and people who fight for people of color,' Pyatt said. 'It's absolutely a way to attack people of color, people who are differently abled, people who don't agree with what this administration is.' Pyatt's sudden loss of a career wrought instant consequences for her family. She was the primary breadwinner, but now her husband, who works for the Postal Service, provides the only income. They worry they won't be able to make the mortgage payments on their home for the long run. Their three daughters, all middle school age, may no longer be able to attend their private Christian school or play softball. Career federal employees like Pyatt are supposed to be able to petition for a transfer or receive preference in hiring at other agencies. Despite having worked for the federal government for more than a decade, at five agencies, including four Homeland Security posts, Pyatt says she's faced nothing but silence. 'So it's little things like that that this administration is doing that makes it really feel like they're targeting people like me, people who love the country, come from a family that has served the country for generations, did what we were supposed to do,' Pyatt said through tears. 'And it just doesn't matter.' The post Dismissed by DEI: Trump's Purge Made Black Women With Stable Federal Jobs an 'Easy Target' appeared first on Capital B News.

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