
Pembrokeshire ranked eighth-worst in UK for dog mess complaints
REFORM UK is no longer a fringe force in Welsh politics. With polling surges, a local by-election victory, and a favourable new voting system set to reshape the Senedd in 2026, the party is rapidly gaining traction—and some believe traditional parties are failing to grasp the scale of its momentum.
On the rise: Reform in Wales
A May 2025 YouGov/ITV Wales poll placed Reform UK second in Wales with 25% of the projected vote—just behind Plaid Cymru on 30%, and well ahead of Labour on 18%. That number is a stark decline: Labour won a 36% regional vote in 2021, making its current standing half of its previous share.
Disillusionment among Labour voters is evident. Only 40% of those who backed Labour in the 2024 UK general election currently intend to do so for the next Senedd election, with substantial numbers shifting to Plaid Cymru (24%), Liberal Democrats (8%), Reform UK (5%), and Greens (4%).
Local Shifts and Breakthroughs
Michelle Beer has been elected as Carmarthenshire's first Reform councillor (Image: Reform)
On May 29, Reform achieved a breakthrough when Michelle Beer won the Lliedi ward by-election in Llanelli—becoming the party's first elected councillor in Carmarthenshire. In a ward long seen as Labour territory, the win signalled a dramatic shift.
Reform volunteers preparing election materials in Carmarthenshire (Image: Facebook)
That momentum continued days earlier in Pembrokeshire, when Scott Thorley, a former Reform candidate, was co-opted onto Haverfordwest Town Council. His appointment ignited local opposition from campaigners concerned about Reform's stance on the Anti-racist Wales Action Plan (AWAP).
The AWAP Dispute and Political Fallout
Scott Thorley's co-option onto Haverfordwest Town Council has sparked a petition (Image: Supplied)
Reform UK has openly opposed the AWAP, criticising its focus on identity-based policies, such as increased grants for ethnic minority student teachers and cultural accommodation in public spaces. Critics say these measures undermine meritocracy and divide communities.
After Thorley's co-option, political graffiti at Withybush Retail Park—featuring slogans like 'VOTE REFORM' and 'GOD SAVE US'—only intensified debate. Thorley swiftly condemned the graffiti, calling it 'vandalism, plain and simple,' and defended the party's intentions.
'As I have been invited to help on the anti‑racist action plan … I'm really confused by their comments. … Politics is about talking and helping people. … stop acting like stroppy teenagers.'
— Scott Thorley, Town Councillor, speaking to The Pembrokeshire Herald
Leadership turbulence and image strategy
Reform has also faced internal turbulence. Chairman Zia Yusuf, a practising Muslim, resigned on June 5, citing exhaustion and policy disagreements—particularly over a proposed burka ban—but reversed that decision just two days later. He returned to lead a new strategy unit focused on governance, fundraising, and outreach. His continued presence is seen as key to diversifying Reform's image and countering claims of intolerance.
Farage, culture wars, and language policy
Nigel Farage: Wants to scrap Welsh Language targets and identity-based policymaking
At the helm, Nigel Farage has declared Wales a top priority, urging voters to back 'real change'. He promised to scrap policies such as the 20mph default speed limit, the 'Nation of Sanctuary' scheme, and the Welsh Government's goal of one million Welsh speakers by 2050—labelled by Reform as cultural overreach.
While Farage offered limited detail on his opposition to the Welsh-language target, his position aligns with a broader opposition to identity-based policymaking.
Even Plaid warns: 'Reform could win'
The growing momentum behind Reform UK has not gone unnoticed by its political opponents. Speaking at the party's Spring conference in Llandudno, Plaid Cymru's Westminster leader Liz Saville Roberts warned party members that Reform could become the largest party in the Senedd if they are not taken seriously.
'If we—Plaid Cymru—do not provide solutions to Labour's failings, there is something worse waiting in the wings to take their place,' she said.
'If we do not take this threat seriously, they could become the biggest party in the Senedd—our national parliament. If that happens, it would be a disaster for Wales. This must galvanise us.'
Saville Roberts accused Reform of thriving on division and warned that the party would seek to privatise the NHS, strip away workers' rights, and undermine Welsh identity and the language.
Pushback from Welsh leaders
Welsh Labour's First Minister Mark Drakeford condemned the proposal to remove the language goal, asserting that the Welsh language 'belongs to us all' and should be defended from external political interference. Plaid Cymru MS Llŷr Gruffydd dismissed Farage's claims as 'empty soundbites' and accused him of 'railing against Welsh culture and identity' to advance his own agenda.
Labour's collapse in its historical heartlands is resonating at the grassroots. The Barn Cymru poll confirms their support is now the lowest since devolution began, under 20%. Meanwhile, local expressions of discontent are growing, with public services—especially in rural and post-industrial areas—seen as deteriorating, boosting calls for change.
A once-unshakeable Labour dominance is cracking. With Plaid Cymru and Reform UK capitalising on voter fatigue, policy stumbles, and identity politics backlash, Wales is entering a new era of volatility. As the Senedd moves to proportional representation, the question isn't whether Reform will take seats, but whether Labour has already ceded too much ground.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

ITV News
18 minutes ago
- ITV News
Majority of public back housing and developments in their area
A majority of people back the idea of new housing or developments where they live, new data has indicated. The poll of 2,005 people conducted by Public First in July found that 55% of respondents would 'generally support new buildings or developments or buildings being built in my local area'. The research found that Labour backers (72%) and young people aged 25-34 (67%) were most likely to be 'Yimby' (yes in my backyard). Reform backers (44%) and people in the East of England (44%) were the most likely groups to say that they generally oppose development in their locality, the poll found. Overall, 33% of people said that they would generally oppose development. Sir Keir Starmer has pledged to put 'builders not blockers first' and 'overhaul the broken planning system'. In December, the Prime Minister announced new mandatory targets for councils when it comes to housebuilding. He said at the time: 'Our plan for change will put builders not blockers first, overhaul the broken planning system and put roofs over the heads of working families and drive the growth that will put more money in people's pockets.' In its report, The Quiet Yes, released on Thursday, Public First argued that a 'more representative planning system' is needed. The policy research organisation recommended that councils bring in changes to surveys and research on public opinion on building plans and questions about how residents would want councils to spend certain money earmarked for development. Jack Airey, director of housing and infrastructure at Public First, said: 'Most people instinctively support new development, yet their voices go unheard. 'Our research finds the public understand the housing shortage and back new homes, but the planning system doesn't reflect that reality. 'Councils and Government should build on this majority view, creating a representative planning system that unlocks support for new homes and the infrastructure communities need.' Deputy Prime Minister and Housing Secretary Angela Rayner has said that Labour are 'overhauling the broken planning system'. She said: 'With investment and reform, Labour is delivering the biggest boost to social and affordable housing in a generation, unleashing a social rent revolution, and embarking on a decade of renewal for social and affordable housing in this country.'


The Herald Scotland
33 minutes ago
- The Herald Scotland
Majority of public back housing and developments in their area
The research found that Labour backers (72%) and young people aged 25-34 (67%) were most likely to be 'Yimby' (yes in my backyard). Reform backers (44%) and people in the East of England (44%) were the most likely groups to say that they generally oppose development in their locality, the poll found. Overall, 33% of people said that they would generally oppose development. Sir Keir Starmer has pledged to put 'builders not blockers first' and 'overhaul the broken planning system'. In December, the Prime Minister announced new mandatory targets for councils when it comes to housebuilding. He said at the time: 'Our plan for change will put builders not blockers first, overhaul the broken planning system and put roofs over the heads of working families and drive the growth that will put more money in people's pockets.' In its report, The Quiet Yes, released on Thursday, Public First argued that a 'more representative planning system' is needed. The policy research organisation recommended that councils bring in changes to surveys and research on public opinion on building plans and questions about how residents would want councils to spend certain money earmarked for development. Jack Airey, director of housing and infrastructure at Public First, said: 'Most people instinctively support new development, yet their voices go unheard. 'Our research finds the public understand the housing shortage and back new homes, but the planning system doesn't reflect that reality. 'Councils and Government should build on this majority view, creating a representative planning system that unlocks support for new homes and the infrastructure communities need.' Deputy Prime Minister and Housing Secretary Angela Rayner has said that Labour are 'overhauling the broken planning system'. She said: 'With investment and reform, Labour is delivering the biggest boost to social and affordable housing in a generation, unleashing a social rent revolution, and embarking on a decade of renewal for social and affordable housing in this country.'


Spectator
34 minutes ago
- Spectator
The oppression of Sally Rooney
Almost a decade ago the Irish academic Liam Kennedy published a tremendous book with the title Unhappy the Land: the Most Oppressed People Ever, the Irish? It is a dissection of one of the most curious pathologies in the world: the desire to have been oppressed; a glorying in being repressed. Kennedy, like a few other brave writers (Ruth Dudley Edwards, Malachi O'Doherty, Kevin Myers) has the courage to point to an under-examined seam in Ireland's history. Specifically he takes aim at the mawkishness that exists in contemporary Irish affairs. The desire to be the first victim, perhaps the greatest victim, of all victims, anywhere in the world. You see similar strains of aspiring victimhood in other mini-nationalisms. Over recent years, Scots and Welsh Nats have all sought to join in the victimhood jamboree. Some years ago I heard a Welsh poetess speaking to a very international and diverse audience. She made her opening plea, or boast, by saying that everyone should remember that the Welsh were the 'first victims' of colonisation – a point which can only be responded to by some combination of a yelp and a yawn. But nobody ever beat the Irish in the victimhood Olympics. Whatever era in their history they want to look at, they can always find a narrative of suffering. Sometimes it has some justification, as with the famine of the 1800s. At other times, as with the Easter Rising and the IRA, the story is sugar-coated to turn people's attention away from the fact that Irish history has been dominated by an unusual percentage of vainglorious murderers and aspiring martyrs. As Kennedy writes: 'There is an almost palpable sense of victimhood and exceptionalism in the presentation of the Irish national past, particularly as reconstructed and displayed for political purpose.' Now that the Troubles are largely over, some Irish people seem almost bored by the peace dividend. And so they scour the Earth looking for other beleaguered people with whom they can claim brotherhood and whom they can, in a variety of ways, patronise. In recent years, no group has been a better candidate for adoption by the Irish than the Palestinian people. It can be seen in the proliferation of Palestinian politics in Irish politics and the singling out of the state of Israel for unusual vilification. It can be seen in the Irish government's planned anti-Israel legislation and in its other curious efforts to interpose themselves into the centre of a conflict in which they have absolutely no role. Given that the Irish government in the 1930s and 1940s looked at the Allies and the Nazis and found it impossible to decide which side to come down on, the current Irish decision to draw a simplistic and ill-informed position on the Israel-Palestine conflict is doubly odd, until you realise that it allows a certain type of Irish person the opportunity to be a sort of bigger sibling in suffering to the Palestinians, with the side-offering of a dose of good old Irish anti-Semitism. This week the newspapers led with a story about the Irish writer Sally Rooney. Her novels have gained some popular acclaim, have sold well and been adapted for television. Born in 1991 in County Mayo, she appears to have been well-marinaded in the prejudices of her native land. In 2021 she made headlines when she refused to have her latest book translated into Hebrew. After all, we can't allow those Hebrew-ites to enjoy middle-rate fiction, can we? She has also called for a boycott of all Israeli cultural institutions. I don't believe Rooney has called for a boycott of any other nation at war, but then why would she? In the Guardian and elsewhere she has expounded her low-resolution understanding of a foreign conflict into which she seeks to throw herself gleefully. Recently the group Palestine Action was proscribed by the British government as a terrorist group. Rooney was one of the 'celebrities' who chose to lobby against this decision. She said: 'Palestine Action is not an armed group. It has never been responsible for any fatalities and does not pose any risk to public safety.' Which isn't quite true. The group has claimed responsibility for hundreds of incidents across the UK, many of which have turned violent. Last summer, Palestine Action activists broke into the Bristol HQ of defence technology firm Elbit Systems. Two police officers were struck with a sledgehammer and an employee suffered head injuries. One of the officers was taken to hospital, while his colleagues seized sledgehammers, axes and other weapons. In June, Palestine Action broke into RAF Brize Norton and damaged aircraft. Estimates of the cost of the damage run from £7 million to more than £30 million. One of those allegedly involved, Muhammad Umer Khalid, 22, faces charges relating to criminal damage and the compromising of this country's security. One of the group's heads faces prosecution over a speech he made on 8 October 2023, in which he said that the massacre of Jews in Israel (named by Hamas 'the Al-Aqsa flood'), which was then still going on, should be emulated everywhere. Or as he put it: 'When we hear the resistance, the Al-Aqsa flood, we must turn that flood into a tsunami of the whole world.' Still, Rooney claims that a ban on Palestine Action constitutes an 'alarming curtailment of free speech'. The other day in the Irish Times, Rooney made herself the martyr in all this, writing ominously: 'My books, at least for now, are still published in Britain and are widely available in bookshops and even supermarkets.' In a similarly self-important vein, she declared that she intended to go on supporting Palestine Action in any way she could, including by donating royalties from her books and TV adaptations. Although she seems to hear the jackboots of the Stasi British police at her door, Rooney is of course Irish, and appears to live in Ireland. And so wittingly or otherwise she joins a long list of Irish public figures willing to throw themselves into the middle of a row – any row – so long as it allows them the warm, fuzzy feeling of continuing to be part of the most oppressed people ever.