
Bravery under fire: Malbatt praised for professionalism in Lebanon
Armed Forces Joint Forces Commander Lieutenant-General Datuk Zahani Zainal Abidin said he was never more proud of his men as he reflected on the Malaysian Battalion's (Malbatt) service in southern Lebanon under the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (Unifil).
"During the 'Northern Arrow' (by the Israeli Defence Forces) escalation in September 2024, our troops swiftly activated bunker drills and coordinated with Unifil to maintain zero casualties despite cross-border exchanges.
"Two months later, in November, an Israeli airstrike caused collateral damage to a Unifil convoy, injuring several Malaysian peacekeepers.
"Our rapid medical evacuation and continued mission focus drew praise from the UN and troop-contributing nations," Zahani said, noting that these incidents reinforced the importance of discipline and rapid response protocols.
HOLDING THE LINE
He said Malbatt operated under the mandate of UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which called for monitoring the cessation of hostilities, supporting Lebanese armed forces deployments and ensuring its area of responsibility was free from hostile activity.
Zahani said Malbatt had adopted stringent force-protection measures to safeguard personnel in a demanding threat environment.
"Troops remain in fortified encampments and bunker drills are activated whenever cross-border hostilities spike. All patrols and logistical movements are suspended under Unifil directives to minimise exposure.
"Regular checks on defensive structures and rapid-access shelters ensure immediate lockdown capability against indirect fire or drone incursions," Zahani said.
He said under Unifil's mandate, Malbatt operated with strictly defensive rules of engagement.
"Troops may return fire only if directly attacked. Offensive operations remain prohibited. We embed this principle through live-simulation, ensuring split-second decision-making under stress.
"This clarity is vital in a theatre marked by multiple actors and asymmetrical threats."
EYE ON THREATS, HEART WITH COMMUNITIES
Zahani said intelligence and coordination were central to Malbatt's readiness.
"The battalion's intelligence cell collated inputs from Unifil's Joint Operations Centre, the Lebanese armed forces and civilian informants.
"Frequent 'snap' briefs are also held to update commanders on signs of Hizbollah escalation, Iranian drone flights, or suspected proxy-force staging areas."
He said daily video-teleconferences with Unifil Sector West and adjacent battalions ensured rapid dissemination of new directives, including no-movement orders and escalation thresholds.
While force protection was critical, Zahani added that civil-military engagement remained the cornerstone of Unifil's mandate.
"Our engineers partner with municipal councils to repair schools and water systems in Marakah, Tibnin and surrounding villages.
"Periodic town halls are also held to explain Unifil's peacekeeping objectives to residents, reducing the risk of agitators exploiting grievances," he said.
Zahani added that this trust-building helped maintain early warning networks and blunt militia influence.
MODERNISATION AND STRATEGIC READINESS
In response to escalating risks along the Israel-Lebanon border, Zahani said the armed forces had modernised Malbatt's capabilities.
"We replaced our ageing Condor armoured vehicles with 20 Turkish-made Panthera 4×4 platforms in 2023. These offer higher mobility, remote weapon station capability and improved troop protection.
"Further upgrades are already in motion. By mid-2026, Malbatt will add 60 High-Mobility Light Tactical Vehicles (HMLTVs) to its fleet, enhancing agility and enabling rapid repositioning along the volatile Blue Line," Zahani said, referring to the 120km section of the southern Lebanese border that Unifil oversees.
"These acquisitions are part of a broader plan to strengthen survivability and operational flexibility in one of the UN's most complex theatres."
He said Malbatt had also introduced specialised capabilities, such as explosive ordnance disposal (EOD) teams and women's engagement modules.
"These units not only address evolving operational requirements — from neutralising improvised explosive threats to fostering trust with local communities — but also reinforce the multidimensional nature of peacekeeping under the UN mandate."
Training and readiness were also prioritised, Zahani said, as all personnel would go through an eight-week Force Integration Training (FIT) programme in Port Dickson before deploying to Lebanon with Malbatt.
"This covers peacekeeping doctrine, cultural awareness, and scenario-based drills aligned with UN standards."
He added that diplomatic coordination remained central to sustaining mission credibility.
"Malaysia maintains a permanent liaison with the UN Department of Peace Operations (DPO) in New York to ensure real-time alignment of operational priorities with Malaysia's foreign policy principles — multilateralism, civilian protection and peaceful conflict resolution.
"This strategic outlook was reinforced at the UN Peacekeeping Ministerial Conference in Berlin in May, where Malaysia pledged to deploy an additional infantry battalion, EOD teams and police units for future missions.
"This underscores Malaysia's long-term investment in robust, multidimensional peace operations and its continued role as a trusted troop-contributing nation," Zahani said.
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The Star
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Cambodia-Thailand border clash a setback for Asean: Singapore FM
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This is a setback, a major setback, not just for peace and stability, but for credibility in Asean,' he told an audience of about 300 diplomats, academics and business leaders at the Parkroyal on Beach Road. Countries in the region have long lived with unresolved territorial disputes between them, which Balakrishnan noted 'is not a short list'. But he stressed that the existence of such disputes does not mean they must result in violence. 'Just because you have got areas which have not yet been delimited or which are in contention, does not mean it has to lead to violence, and the fact that violence occurs is a failure of diplomacy, and arguably complicated when leadership is hamstrung,' he said. The solution, said Balakrishnan, is for nations to first take care of their own societies – a point he has often made by emphasising that foreign policy begins at home. He noted that a backlash against globalisation and trade, including the weaponisation of tariffs and supply chains, often stems from domestic insecurity and a loss of confidence that existing systems are delivering fair outcomes for all segments of society. 'If your home front is not settled, it is very difficult to conduct economic or diplomatic (policy),' he said. Balakrishnan's comments came after a ceasefire was brokered on July 28 in Malaysia, who is this year's Asean chair, following five days of clashes between Cambodia and Thailand. The fighting left more than 40 dead and displaced over 300,000 people along their shared border. The incident remains one of the most serious armed confrontations between Asean member states in recent years. Asean Secretary-General Kao Kim Hourn, who spoke in a separate session at the same forum, said Malaysia's chairmanship played a key role in calming tensions. 'The decisive decision by the Asean chair to intervene has been remarkable,' he said, adding that defence ministers from both sides have resumed talks in Kuala Lumpur and that progress is being made. Malaysian Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim said on Aug 5 that Putrajaya is prepared to deploy a monitoring team to the border if requested by both Thailand and Cambodia, though for now, the situation is being observed remotely via satellite and coordinated through Malaysia's defence attache. The Cambodian-Thai tensions come as Asean continues to manage the fallout from the Myanmar crisis, which has seen ongoing violence and political instability since a military coup in 2021. The grouping has barred Myanmar's ruling junta from key meetings due to its failure to implement peace plans and end the violence that has gripped the country since it seized power. Balakrishnan said the roots of the conflict there run deeper than politics, citing Myanmar's long-standing failure to forge a cohesive national identity. National reconciliation, moral leadership and political imagination are essential, he said, adding that military force is not sufficient. Both leaders in their separate sessions also spoke about the broader regional and global context, warning that the space for cooperation is narrowing amid growing economic fragmentation and weakening multilateral institutions. To a question on how Asean will navigate the current economic situation, Kao said that member states are responding both individually and collectively, though there is still considerable uncertainty ahead. On the impact of US tariffs, he said the immediate priority is to minimise their effects and protect livelihoods. Governments are working to finalise the upgraded Asean Trade in Goods Agreement (Atiga), which is expected to be signed in October, as part of efforts to move closer to the grouping's single market goal. The Atiga, a key free trade agreement for the region, was signed in 2009 and came into force a year later. Negotiations to upgrade this agreement were concluded in May. Meanwhile, Balakrishnan described the current moment as the end of the post-Cold War era of rules-based globalisation. The result, he said, is a 'world disorder' in which international institutions such as the United Nations Security Council and the World Trade Organisation are increasingly paralysed. He noted that since January, developments such as new US tariffs and the so-called 'Liberation Day' shift in trade policy have underscored the urgency of adapting Singapore's external and domestic strategies. While bilateral and regional deals continue to be signed, he warned that the erosion of global norms means small states like Singapore must navigate a more transactional and fragmented world. Balakrishnan said that Asean must engage all partners and practise flexible multilateralism but also acknowledged that operating by consensus can at times feel like a straitjacket that slows progress. The goal, he said, is not to abandon consensus, but to recognise that insisting on unanimity can make decisions nearly impossible, especially when some members act as spoilers. He stressed the need for a system in which if enough members want to move forward constructively, they should be allowed to do so. Asean should continue seeking compromises, but not allow consensus to become a permanent obstacle. For Singapore to tackle global shifts, Balakrishnan outlined a three-part strategy of reforming global institutions, deepening regional integration, and reinforcing the country's domestic economic resilience. Global institutions must be reformed in terms of representation, decision-making, and process, said Balakrishnan. And on its part, Singapore is contributing to this effort through its nominations to international bodies. He gave the example of veteran diplomat and international law expert Rena Lee, who will be fielded by Singapore for election as a judge at the International Court of Justice in 2026. On regionalisation, Balakrishnan noted that Singapore's leaders have consistently attended Asean meetings, and the Republic is working with the grouping to expand key trade agreements and launch new economic frameworks. Regarding efforts to reinforce Singapore's domestic economic resilience, Balakrishnan pointed to an ongoing review of the country's economic strategy, announced by Deputy Prime Minister Gan Kim Yong on Aug 4. The review will develop long-term plans to boost Singapore's global competitiveness and enhance the start-up ecosystem. Committees led by political office-holders will engage stakeholders and present their recommendations by mid-2026. Singapore is also focused on managing its external partnerships carefully. Balakrishnan said Asean remains Singapore's 'innermost core' politically, militarily and economically. He stressed the need for member states to 'hang together or hang separately.' Beyond the region, Singapore must also carefully manage its relations with the US and China, Balakrishnan said. This includes handling ties bilaterally, as well as navigating 'space between them, and where we fit'. 'We don't want to be forced on two sides, but we want to have a value proposition for both, so that they have a stake in our success and prosperity,' he said. - The Straits Times/ANN


New Straits Times
2 hours ago
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The 13th Malaysia Plan: Strategic clarity in an age of disruption
LETTERS: As economic certainties are breaking apart at the seams by fragmentation, digital disruption and rising protectionism, the tabling of the 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP) under the Madani government could not have come at a more critical juncture. Where once there was predictability and stability, bolstered by robust competition, the global landscape is now dominated by intense strategic rivalry and geo-economic uncertainty. Long a trading nation and a highly open economy, Malaysia must navigate these treacherous waters, exposed to global headwinds, not least the Trump administration's re-imposition of tariffs. The current 19 per cent duty on most Malaysian exports to the US, though a reduction from earlier announcements, reflects a difficult compromise. Exemptions for key sectors such as semiconductors soften the blow, but the overall message is clear: trade is becoming more politicised, and diversification is no longer optional but essential. Some have suggested that Malaysia's arrangement with the US bears little distinction from those secured by its regional peers, or worse, represents a form of quiet capitulation. Such critiques overlook a key reality: economic diplomacy in today's climate is no longer about extracting perfect outcomes, but about managing asymmetries wisely. Malaysia's approach has been guided by strategic calculus, not submission, and herein lies the difference. Malaysia has safeguarded critical policy space, including Bumiputera affirmative action, protective tariffs for strategic industries such as automotive, and the continued issuance of Approved Permits (APs), all while ensuring continued dialogue with Washington. The 13MP responds to these realities with a forward-looking framework that positions the country for resilience and renewal. It outlines a vision of strategic autonomy rooted in structural reform, domestic capacity-building and constructive global engagement. Building Strength for a Digital and Industrial Future A central theme of the 13MP is the development of Made by Malaysia products, anchored in existing policy documents such as the New Industrial Master Plan 2030. In addition to prioritising research, commercialisation and innovation, the 13MP supports high-growth sectors, aims to attract high-impact investments, and strengthens the nation's talent base. This ambition is writ large in the commitment to artificial intelligence and digital transformation. Malaysia must move beyond backend assembly in global value chains. The RM10 billion investment by Nvidia, partnering Khazanah Nasional, reflects international confidence in Malaysia's capacity to become a regional pivot for high-performance computing, AI infrastructure and data governance. Yet, this is only the beginning. The 13MP envisions nurturing home-grown innovation, making domestic firms more competitive and equipping Malaysians for the technological frontier. It advances these goals by strengthening industry-academia collaboration, supporting the AI ecosystem under the National AI Roadmap, and promoting agile governance through regulatory sandboxes. At its core, the 13MP is about economic, institutional and societal resilience. The focus is on value creation and long-term quality investment, where public spending and policy incentives serve strategic objectives, not the least being boosting domestic value capture and supporting high-impact sectors. As for the National Energy Transition Roadmap, gearing the nation towards a low-carbon, high-value economy, the kicker is in catalytic projects and investment opportunities in green hydrogen, solar manufacturing and grid modernisation. Energy resilience and environmental stewardship are crucial to ensure we aren't left at the starting block in the global green economy race while laying the foundation for new industrial ecosystems that align with long-term national interests. Reclaiming Global Relevance Through Economic Diplomacy Malaysia's tradition of non-alignment remains a key advantage. Our credibility with both East and West, combined with a reputation for moderation and consistency, positions us to bridge divides in a fractured global order. The 13MP builds on this by encouraging deeper engagement with emerging markets, reinforcing commitment to multilateral platforms such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and reaffirming Malaysia's leadership role in Asean as well as participation in BRICS. Economic diplomacy, in this regard, is not incidental but a core pillar of the 13MP, demonstrating the inextricable link between domestic reform and global positioning. By expanding trade relations with sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America and leveraging existing trade agreements, the 13MP seeks to fortify resilience in an era of shifting power and contested norms. Its call for fairness, predictability and sovereignty in digital and trade governance reflects long-term strategic interests. Still, the 13MP is only as strong as its execution. While Malaysia has never lacked for vision, the adage that between the ideal and the reality falls the shadow of incoherence and failure sometimes still rings true. Nevertheless, we take heart that the 13MP introduces mechanisms for inter-agency coordination, performance tracking and institutional accountability. This is vital considering that we were once dragged down by a system that prioritised form over substance. And, in order to truly appreciate the role of the 13MP in today's context, we must move beyond outdated critiques and assess what national planning means in an era of complexity and disruption. It has become fashionable among some commentators to dismiss Malaysia's five-year plans as relics of Soviet-style economic totalitarianism. But this ignores both the evolution of the planning process and the complexity of modern governance. Unlike Stalinist central planning, the 13MP does not attempt to micromanage the economy, nor does it presume to absolutely override market mechanisms. Instead, it provides strategic clarity in areas where the market alone cannot resolve collective dilemmas such as climate resilience, energy security, digital infrastructure and regional inequality. Clearly, Adam Smith's "invisible hand" has remained largely invisible in times of economic turmoil. Intervention, where strategically planned and executed, is imperative. Most importantly, the 13MP is not a promise of overnight transformation. Real change demands political will, technocratic skill and broad societal alignment. It calls for the courage to move beyond antiquated paradigms and the discipline to commit to long-term thinking. In the end, the 13MP represents a new understanding of development. It is not about managing scarcity or distributing subsidies, but about unlocking potential, building strategic capacity and preparing for a future that will not wait. If we approach the implementation of the 13MP with the same earnestness and clarity with which it was conceived, Malaysia can do more than weather the global storm. We can reclaim our agency, shape our regional future and advance a model of shared prosperity rooted in resilience, inclusion and innovation. A tall order, no doubt, but by no means unattainable


The Star
3 hours ago
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13MP: Strategic clarity in an age of disruption
AS economic certainties are breaking apart at the seams by fragmentation, digital disruption and rising protectionism, the tabling of the 13th Malaysia Plan (13MP) under the Madani government could not have come at a more critical juncture. Where once there was predictability and stability, bolstered by robust competition, the global landscape is now dominated by intense strategic rivalry and geo-economic uncertainty. Long a trading nation and a highly open economy, Malaysia must navigate these treacherous waters, exposed to global headwinds, not least the Trump administration's re-imposition of tariffs. The current 19% duty on most Malaysian exports to the US, though a reduction from earlier announcements, reflects a difficult compromise. Exemptions for key sectors such as semiconductors soften the blow, but the overall message is clear: trade is becoming more politicised, and diversification is no longer optional but essential. Some have suggested that Malaysia's arrangement with the US bears little distinction from those secured by its regional peers, or worse, represents a form of quiet capitulation. Such critiques overlook a key reality: economic diplomacy in today's climate is no longer about extracting perfect outcomes, but about managing asymmetries wisely. Malaysia's approach has been guided by strategic calculus, not submission, and herein lies the difference. Malaysia has safeguarded critical policy space, including bumiputra affirmative action, protective tariffs for strategic industries such as automotive, and the continued issuance of Approved Permits (APs), all while ensuring continued dialogue with Washington. The 13MP responds to these realities with a forward-looking framework that positions the country for resilience and renewal. It outlines a vision of strategic autonomy rooted in structural reform, domestic capacity-building and constructive global engagement. Building strength for a digital and industrial future A central theme of the 13MP is the development of Made by Malaysia products, anchored in existing policy documents such as the New Industrial Master Plan 2030. In addition to prioritising research, commercialisation and innovation, the 13MP supports high-growth sectors, aims to attract high-impact investments, and strengthens the nation's talent base. This ambition is writ large in the commitment to artificial intelligence and digital transformation. Malaysia must move beyond backend assembly in global value chains. The RM10bil investment by Nvidia, partnering Khazanah Nasional, reflects international confidence in Malaysia's capacity to become a regional pivot for high-performance computing, AI infrastructure and data governance. Yet, this is only a beginning. The 13MP envisions nurturing home-grown innovation, making domestic firms more competitive and equipping Malaysians for the technological frontier. It advances these goals by strengthening industry-academia collaboration, supporting the AI ecosystem under the National AI Roadmap, and promoting agile governance through regulatory sandboxes. At its core, the 13MP is about economic, institutional and societal resilience. The focus is on value creation and long-term quality investment, where public spending and policy incentives serve strategic objectives, not the least being boosting domestic value capture and supporting high-impact sectors. As for the National Energy Transition Roadmap, gearing the nation towards a low-carbon, high-value economy, the kicker is in catalytic projects and investment opportunities in green hydrogen, solar manufacturing and grid modernisation. Energy resilience and environmental stewardship are crucial to ensure we aren't left at the starting block in the global green economy race while laying the foundation for new industrial ecosystems that align with long-term national interests. Reclaiming global relevance through economic diplomacy Malaysia's tradition of non-alignment remains a key advantage. Our credibility with both East and West, combined with a reputation for moderation and consistency, positions us to bridge divides in a fractured global order. The 13MP builds on this by encouraging deeper engagement with emerging markets, reinforcing commitment to multilateral platforms such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, and reaffirming Malaysia's leadership role in Asean as well as participation in Brics. Economic diplomacy, in this regard, is not incidental but a core pillar of the 13MP, demonstrating the inextricable link between domestic reform and global positioning. By expanding trade relations with sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America and leveraging existing trade agreements, the 13MP seeks to fortify resilience in an era of shifting power and contested norms. Its call for fairness, predictability and sovereignty in digital and trade governance reflects long-term strategic interests. Still, the 13MP is only as strong as its execution. While Malaysia has never lacked for vision, the adage that between the ideal and the reality falls the shadow of incoherence and failure sometimes still rings true. Nevertheless, we take heart that the 13MP introduces mechanisms for inter-agency coordination, performance tracking and institutional accountability. This is vital considering that we were once dragged down by a system that prioritised form over substance. And, in order to truly appreciate the role of the 13MP in today's context, we must move beyond outdated critiques and assess what national planning means in an era of complexity and disruption. It has become fashionable among some commentators to dismiss Malaysia's five-year plans as relics of Soviet-style economic totalitarianism. But this ignores both the evolution of the planning process and the complexity of modern governance. Unlike Stalinist central planning, the 13MP does not attempt to micromanage the economy, nor does it presume to absolutely override market mechanisms. Instead, it provides strategic clarity in areas where the market alone cannot resolve collective dilemmas such as climate resilience, energy security, digital infrastructure and regional inequality. Clearly, Adam Smith's 'invisible hand' has remained largely invisible in times of economic turmoil. Intervention, where strategically planned and executed, is imperative. Most importantly, the 13MP is not a promise of overnight transformation. Real change demands political will, technocratic skill and broad societal alignment. It calls for the courage to move beyond antiquated paradigms and the discipline to commit to long-term thinking. In the end, the 13MP represents a new understanding of development. It is not about managing scarcity or distributing subsidies, but about unlocking potential, building strategic capacity and preparing for a future that will not wait. If we approach the implementation of the 13MP with the same earnestness and clarity with which it was conceived, Malaysia can do more than weather the global storm. We can reclaim our agency, shape our regional future and advance a model of shared prosperity rooted in resilience, inclusion and innovation. A tall order no doubt, but by no means unattainable. Datuk Prof Dr Mohd Faiz Abdullah Chairman of ISIS Malaysia