logo
Indonesia passes contentious changes to military law amid protests

Indonesia passes contentious changes to military law amid protests

Indonesia's parliament passed revisions to the country's military law on Thursday, allocating more civilian posts for military officers as hundreds of students and activists protested against the legislation.
Advertisement
The revisions have been criticised by civil society groups, who say it could take the world's third-biggest democracy back to the draconian New Order era of former strongman president Suharto, when military officers dominated civilian affairs.
Speaker Puan Maharani led the unanimous vote in a plenary council and officially passed the law, saying that it was in accordance with the principles of democracy, human rights and civil supremacy.
President
Prabowo Subianto , who took office last October and was a special forces commander under Suharto, has been expanding the armed forces' role into what were considered civilian areas, including his flagship programme of free meals for children.
Indonesian students and activists try to tear down a gate during a protest against the revision of the country's military law in front of the Parliament building in Jakarta. Photo: EPA-EFE
Rights groups have criticised the increased military involvement because they fear it may lead to abuses of power, human rights violations and impunity from consequences for actions.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

How Trump's tariffs could benefit Asean in the long run
How Trump's tariffs could benefit Asean in the long run

South China Morning Post

time6 days ago

  • South China Morning Post

How Trump's tariffs could benefit Asean in the long run

US President Donald Trump's tariffs – especially the ultra-high 'reciprocal tariffs' that he says will be reintroduced on July 8 for any country that has not struck a trade deal with his administration – have sent countries around the world scrambling to respond, adapt and limit the fallout. The Association of Southeast Asian Nations' 10 members – Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam – have been among the most proactive. Advertisement Their leaders quickly recognised that, after decades of spectacular gross domestic product growth, Asean is an economic force that the Trump administration would have to reckon with in a serious way. In 2000, Japan was the world's second-largest economy, some eight times larger than Asean; today, it is only 1.1 times larger, and by 2030, Asean's economy will overtake it. In 2010-2020, Asean contributed more to global economic growth than the European Union did. Asean owes much of this progress to open trade. Between 2003 and 2023, its trade with the rest of the world exploded. But the real secret to Asean's success is strong and competent leadership, exemplified, in the grouping's early years, by Singaporean prime minister Lee Kuan Yew , a Cambridge-educated lawyer, and Indonesian president Suharto, a Javanese military leader and mystic. It was their unlikely partnership that kept Asean together. Asean's leaders have upheld relative peace and stability in their countries, while cultivating a culture of consultation and consensus in guiding regional relations. This stands in stark contrast to the experiences of many other developing countries and regions. Advertisement

Red flags rising over China's trade surplus with Indonesia
Red flags rising over China's trade surplus with Indonesia

Asia Times

time05-06-2025

  • Asia Times

Red flags rising over China's trade surplus with Indonesia

Indonesia's widening trade deficit with China has evolved into more than an economic concern—it now poses the risk of becoming a destabilizing fissure within the country's social fabric and, by extension, ASEAN's regional stability. According to Indonesia's Central Statistics Agency (BPS), between January and April 2025, Chinese imports to Indonesia surged to US$25.8 billion, while Indonesian exports to China stagnated at $18.9 billion. The resulting $6.9 billion deficit, the highest recorded in recent history for such a short period, raises already rising concerns about asymmetry in the bilateral trade relationship. Although Indonesian authorities have attempted to downplay its significance by dismissing suggestions that this is due to the redirection of Chinese exports blocked by US and EU tariffs, the underlying realities paint a different picture. The sectors most affected by Chinese imports —namely, mechanical and electrical machinery, steel, automotive parts, and ceramics —are precisely those where China has long faced overcapacity. With Western markets erecting expanding barriers on Chinese goods in response to perceived unfair trade practices, Southeast Asia, particularly Indonesia, has become a convenient outlet for China's surplus industrial products. In effect, Chinese goods that cannot be sold in the US and EU are being channeled into the Indonesian market, either directly or via re-routing strategies through third countries. This dynamic mirrors the 2018–2020 period of the US-China trade war, when Southeast Asia similarly absorbed a disproportionate amount of redirected Chinese exports. Indonesia's manufacturing base has already begun to show signs of strain from the flood of cut-rate Chinese wares. The once-thriving textile sector, exemplified by the now-defunct Sritex conglomerate in Solo, has been unable to keep up with the price competition from cheap Chinese imports. Small and medium-sized manufacturers in ceramics and steel are also increasingly being squeezed by Made in China goods. Though the Indonesian government has responded by levying anti-dumping duties on select products, such as nylon film from China, Thailand and Taiwan, these actions have largely been reactive and insufficient to counteract the scale and pace of Chinese trade redirection. The longer this continues, the more it will undermine local industry, employment and economic self-sufficiency. The economic repercussions are only one layer of the problem. What makes this fissure particularly dangerous is its potential to metastasize into social tension. Indonesia's multi-ethnic composition includes a sizable Chinese-Indonesian minority that has historically been subject to scapegoating during economic downturns. The riots of May 1998, which led to the collapse of the Suharto regime, serve as a chilling reminder of how quickly economic grievances can morph into ethnic-based violence against ethnic Chinese. In the current climate of economic pressure and increasing unemployment—especially among urban manufacturing workers—there is a real risk that the narrative of Chinese imports 'destroying local industry' could morph into resentment directed at Chinese-Indonesian entrepreneurs, many of whom operate in retail, logistics and trade. In an age where social media can amplify divisive messaging in real-time, the potential for misinformation and targeted ethnic vilification should not be underestimated. At the regional level, Indonesia's predicament reflects a broader structural challenge in ASEAN. Countries like Malaysia, Thailand and Vietnam have also experienced spikes in Chinese imports, particularly in sectors like automobiles and electronics. The nature of these imports—often heavily subsidized and arriving in large quantities at prices below prevailing market rates—suggests deliberate Chinese dumping. Yet ASEAN's current mechanisms are ill-equipped to deal with these surges in a coordinated manner. Each country acts on its own, imposing unilateral anti-dumping tariffs or seeking redress through domestic trade tribunals, thereby diminishing the strength of a collective ASEAN-wide economic position. What is needed is not isolationism but a recalibration of engagement. Indonesia and ASEAN must articulate clearer expectations in their trade relationships with China. Fairness, reciprocity and respect for domestic industries must be at the heart of any economic partnership. The notion that Southeast Asia should serve as China's release valve for overproduction is not only economically detrimental but geopolitically short-sighted. It risks turning ASEAN from a central strategic partner into a passive buffer zone—absorbing external shocks without the tools to respond effectively. Equally important is ASEAN's need to revive its own internal trade capacities. The ASEAN Economic Community was envisioned to deepen intra-regional trade and investment, yet the share of intra-ASEAN trade has remained stagnant at around 22–24% over the past decade. This is far below the intra-regional trade levels of the EU, which stands at around 60%. Reducing non-tariff barriers, streamlining customs procedures and improving regional logistics are all urgent if ASEAN is to build internal economic resilience. Greater economic interdependence within ASEAN would not only mitigate vulnerability to external dumping but also foster shared growth that benefits smaller economies equally. For Indonesia, the road ahead demands bold policy interventions. The country must begin by strengthening its industrial strategy—reinvesting in productivity, technological upgrading and workforce development—so that its manufacturing sectors are not merely shielded but revitalized. Trade defense instruments must be improved, not only in terms of speed and scope but also in coordination with ASEAN partners. The government should also launch public education campaigns that preempt the ethnicization of economic issues. The messaging must be clear: this is not a conflict between ethnic groups but a structural issue in global trade dynamics that requires unity, not division. China, for its part, must recognize that sustaining goodwill in Southeast Asia cannot rely solely on infrastructure investment or diplomatic fanfare. It must pay heed to the social consequences of its trade behaviors. Dumping excess production into Indonesia and other ASEAN markets may offer short-term economic relief for Chinese exporters, but it risks breeding long-term resentment, social instability and strategic blowback in a region vital to China's Belt and Road Initiative ambitions. The growing trade imbalance between Indonesia and China is not yet a fracture—but it is undeniably a fissure, one that reveals the fragile interconnections between economic policy, social harmony and geopolitical alignment. Whether this fissure is widened or closed depends on the wisdom and coordination of both Indonesia's domestic leadership and ASEAN's collective diplomacy. To ignore it would be to misread not only the fragility of Indonesia's pluralistic society but also the limits of ASEAN's absorptive capacity. By addressing this issue with fairness, clarity and resolve, Indonesia can lead the region in forging a more balanced relationship with China—one that respects economic sovereignty, sustains regional stability and ultimately preserves the dignity of Southeast Asia's diverse peoples. Phar Kim Beng, PhD, is professor of ASEAN Studies, International Islamic University Malaysia and senior visiting fellow at the University of Cambridge. Luthfy Hamzah is senior research fellow of ASEAN Studies at Strategic Pan Indo Pacific Arena.

King Charles arrives in Canada to open Parliament
King Charles arrives in Canada to open Parliament

RTHK

time26-05-2025

  • RTHK

King Charles arrives in Canada to open Parliament

King Charles arrives in Canada to open Parliament King Charles was met by Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney at Ottawa Airport. Photo: Reuters Britain's King Charles III arrived in Ottawa Monday for a visit to open Canada's parliament, a brief trip seen as part of the pushback against US President Donald Trump's annexation threats. The 76-year-old monarch, who is Canada's head of state, was greeted at the airport by Prime Minister Mark Carney, who has invited him to give an address opening Canada's new legislature. The so-called throne speech outlining the government's priorities is typically given by the British monarch's representative in Canada, the governor general. Queen Elizabeth II, the king's late mother, delivered a throne speech in Canada just twice during her long reign, in 1957 and 1977. Charles, making his first visit to Canada since his coronation, will be closely watched for any comments on Canada's sovereignty, and on trade. Trump has slapped tariffs on Canadian goods including sector-specific levies on autos, steel and aluminium, rattling the Canadian economy, although he has suspended some of them pending negotiations. Carney has said his newly-elected government has been given a mandate "to define a new economic and security relationship with the United States," a neighbour he believes Canada "can no longer trust." He has promised to curb reliance on trade with the United States by boosting internal commerce while forging deeper economic ties with allies overseas. The government's path to build up Canada and create new relationships will be outlined in Charles's speech, Carney said Monday. "This historic honour matches the weight of our times," he said in a statement. A government statement described the visit as "a momentous and historic occasion that underscores Canada's identity and sovereignty as a constitutional monarchy". (Reuters)

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store