
Helpline activated to assist Telangana residents residing or traveling in affected regions
In view of the escalating geopolitical tensions and military developments in the Middle East, particularly between Iran and Israel, Telangana government has activated a dedicated helpline at Telangana Bhavan, New Delhi, to assist and respond swiftly to any concerns related to the State residents who may be currently residing or traveling in the affected regions.
Also read: Israel-Iran conflict updates on June 17, 2025
'As per the latest available inputs from the Ministry of External Affairs and Indian Embassies abroad, no Telangana citizens have been reported as directly impacted as of now. However, as a proactive measure, the helpline has been set up to offer guidance, collect information, and extend support to families or individuals who may require assistance or wish to report concerns,' as per a press note issued on Tuesday (June 17, 2025).
The helpline numbers
For any support or information, people can reach out to Vandhana at +919871999044; G. Rakshith Naik, liaison officer at +919643723157; Javed Hussain, liaison officer at +919910014749 and CH. Chakravarthi, public relations officer at +919949351270.

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Business Standard
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Indian evacuees from Iran flag issues with J&K buses; CM Abdullah responds
Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah on Thursday announced that Indian students returning from Iran under 'Operation Sindhu' would be transported via deluxe buses, after several evacuees raised concerns about the condition of the buses arranged for their onward journey to Union territory. Speaking to news agency ANI, one student said, 'The buses that have been provided are in such bad condition that even animals will not travel in them. We can't go in such buses, and our safety could have been compromised. We are here (in Delhi) and for that we are thankful to the central government as they have evacuated us smoothly, we faced no problem till here, but we are having a problem here now...' Responding to the complaints, the Chief Minister's Office posted on X: 'The Chief Minister has taken note of the request of the students evacuated from Iran regarding the quality of buses arranged to transport them from Delhi to J&K.' . On Thursday morning, Iran and Israel exchanged fresh missile strikes as the conflict entered its seventh day. The group of 110 Indian nationals evacuated from Urmia, Iran, under 'Operation Sindhu' arrived in Delhi earlier on Thursday and expressed gratitude to the Indian government. Minister of State for External Affairs Kirti Vardhan Singh welcomed the first group at the airport. One of the returning students said Indian authorities had 'done a good job' and ensured a smooth evacuation. He noted that conditions in Iran, particularly in Tehran, were deteriorating rapidly. . They reported no issues during the evacuation and said the embassy had made timely arrangements for their departure. To assist those still in Iran, the Indian Embassy established 24x7 control rooms and emergency helpline numbers. According to a Times of India report, around 10,000 Indian nationals or people of Indian origin are currently in Iran, including approximately 6,000 students.


The Hindu
38 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Review of Srinath Raghavan's new book on Indira Gandhi
Srinath Raghavan's latest book, Indira Gandhi and the Years That Transformed India, examines her political career as India's long 1970s. It takes a chronological arc: her assumption of prime ministerial office in 1966, her struggle to take tight control of the Congress party, her landslide electoral win of 1971, thereafter her leadership of the country in the war with Pakistan, the imposition of Emergency, loss to the Janata Party in 1977, her stint in opposition, return to office in 1980 and her assassination in 1984. Placing this extended decade in a global context, Raghavan argues that 'the long 1970s were the hinge on which the contemporary history of India turned, transforming the young postcolonial country into today's India.' In an interview, Raghavan explains various ideas and events that marked these tumultuous years. Excerpts: In this political history of the Indira Gandhi years, a word that recurs repeatedly is Caesarist/Caesarism. In your view, is it central to understanding the changes that she oversaw, and how it transformed the Indian polity? Caesarism refers to a style of politics in which the leader seeks directly to connect with the people, bypassing party structures or the parliament. I found it useful to understand an important change in the Indian politics ushered in by Indira Gandhi – more useful than currently modish terms such as populist or charismatic. Democratic politics has, by definition, an element of populism. And charisma is only one aspect of the Caesarist style of leadership. Was she already inclined to the Caesarist style? Did her style shift-shape along the way? Indira Gandhi adopted this mode of leadership in response to the specific problems confronting the Congress party. The party's drab performance in the 1967 elections underlined its inability to carry with it significant sections of the electorate. At the same time, it accentuated the power struggle within the party between the prime minister and the regional grandees who controlled the machine. Indira Gandhi moved towards a Caesarist style both to undercut her rivals in the party and revive its electoral fortunes. Her decision to split the Congress was undoubtedly a crucial first step. But equally important were the extraordinary performance of her party in the general elections of 1971 and the decisive military victory over Pakistan later the same year. These, in turn, propelled the party to a massive win in the State elections of 1972. None of these could have been predicted when she broke the old Congress. But cumulatively they cemented her control of the party. Without such dominance it is difficult to imagine the party tamely falling in with her decision to impose the Emergency in June 1975. The triumphs of 1971-2 to the imposition of Emergency in 1975 and the rapid consolidation of the Emergency regime — do you see a vein of risk-taking running through the entire arc? Or did, as in the popular view, fortitude give way to paranoia? I don't see her as an inveterate risk-taker. Rather she had a sharp, instinctive grasp of power relations (whether in domestic or international politics), an instinctive sense of timing and a willingness to make bold choices. These qualities worked for her in the crises of the early years, but they also led to counterproductive outcomes in later years—not only the Emergency but also her handling of the problems in Punjab, Assam and Jammu and Kashmir during her final term in office. All along, she tended to blame difficult situations on the machinations of her domestic or international opponents. This made her somewhat impervious to introspecting on her own choices and their consequences. Yet, as her bete noire Henry Kissinger once said, even the paranoid can have real enemies. You write that 'the long 1970s placed the Indian economy on the road to liberalisation, if only via a crooked path'. Do you think this point remains little appreciated? Indeed. The received wisdom on Indira Gandhi's economic policies is that they were 'socialist' and they tightened the grip of the state on private capital. This is true, but it is also a partial picture. In fact, the heyday of nationalisation and state control in the early 1970s proved brief, though it was damaging enough. The embrace of these policies coincided with the onset of a global economic crisis triggered by the collapse of the Bretton Woods system of stable exchange rates and the oil shocks that followed the Arab-Israel war of 1973. Such was the impact of this global crisis on the Indian economy that Indira Gandhi was forced to embrace conservative macroeconomic policies and move in the direction of liberalising controls on the economy. Before and during the Emergency as well as in her last term in office she adopted strong anti-inflationary policies. During these periods, she also espoused pro-business policies — policies that were viewed favourably by established players like J.R.D. Tata and newer entrants like Dhirubhai Ambani. In so doing, she put the Indian economy on the long road towards liberalisation. The tenure of the Janata Party was a vital phase of the long 1970s. How much was Indira Gandhi a defining factor in the manner and pace at which the regime unravelled? The Janata government was united in its desire to fix Indira Gandhi after 1977, but divided on how best to proceed. This led to some spectacular own-goals such as the abortive move to arrest her in 1978. Indira Gandhi, for her part, proved more astute in playing on the faultlines within the Janata Party and on the thrusting ambition of some of its leaders. In particular, her move to support Charan Singh's bid for premiership ensured that the Janata Party was broken beyond repair or rapprochement. How important were these years out of power, 1977-1980, in her own eventual evolution? These were undoubtedly the most challenging years of her political life. Yet, her ability to retain a grip on a section of the Congress party, to revive her popular fortunes by dramatic moves (such as in support of the Dalits after the massacre in Belchi), and to bounce back by winning the 1978 by-election in Chikmagalur — all showcased her political instincts and tenacity. At the same time, these years also led her further down the path of personalising power in the party (which she split for a second time) and of relying on her younger son, Sanjay Gandhi, who was clearly the dynastic heir apparent. You conclude that while the Janata government had successfully rolled back the Emergency, it did not reconfigure the coordinates of parliamentary democracy put in place on Mrs. Gandhi's watch. Yet, did its record inform the coalition governments to come in later years, of the 'third front', BJP, and the Congress? The Janata government certainly foreshadowed the era of coalition politics that began in the late 1980s. While several of the main protagonists of this period were active in 1977-79, it is not clear they had learned much from that bitter experience. Rather, the record of some of the later coalition governments bore out the dictum that the only thing we learn from history is how to make new mistakes! You choose not to speculate about the reasons for her announcement of elections in 1977. But did this announcement embed in the Indian political system the centrality of elections? The outcome of the 1977 elections demonstrated that even the most powerful political leader could be unseated and humbled. Coming in the wake of the Emergency, when institutional checks and balances had manifestly failed to uphold democracy, elections were now regarded as central to Indian democracy. A decade ago you had published a profile of Indira Gandhi - from then to now, has your assessment of the arc of her prime ministerial career altered? My assessments have changed in a couple of ways. The availability of newly declassified archival materials, including from the Prime Minister's Secretariat, has enabled me to understand better the ideas and impulses that lay behind many of the choices and decisions made by Indira Gandhi and her contemporaries. This is true even of such well known episodes as the nationalisation of banks. At the same time, I have developed a deeper appreciation of the gulf between intentions and outcomes, and how the latter were decisively shaped by the wider, including the global, currents of the long 1970s. At the outset of her premiership, for instance, Indira Gandhi wanted to restore the economy to the track of planned economic development (on the Nehruvian model). But the economic imperatives and crises of the period effectively led to rather a different model of political economy — one that combined targeted anti-poverty programmes with a liberalising, pro-business outlook. This framework has proved durable and continues to shape Indian political economy today. The interviewer is a Delhi-based editor and journalist. Indira Gandhi and the Years That Transformed India Srinath Raghavan Allen Lane ₹899
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Business Standard
39 minutes ago
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Strait of Hormuz in focus: Crude oil faces volatility from Iran-Israel escalation Crude oil price outlook: Crude oil prices have been buoyed by escalating tensions in West Asia, particularly following Iran's Supreme Leader's declaration rejecting US President Donald Trump's call for unconditional surrender. This geopolitical standoff, coupled with a sharp drawdown in US inventories, has kept prices elevated. WTI crude surged from $65 on June 10 to $75 by June 16, driven by Israel's military strikes on Iran and fears of disruption to the Strait of Hormuz—a vital artery for global energy trade. The strait handles nearly 20 per cent of seaborne oil and a quarter of LNG exports, making it a key pressure point in the conflict. Despite a brief pullback, oil remains up 7 per cent year-to-date, 20 per cent over the past month, and 10 per cent in the last five trading sessions. The potential for US involvement has further intensified market concerns, reinforcing the risk premium embedded in current prices. How will Iran-Israel conflict affect oil prices? Iran's strategic control over the Strait of Hormuz places global energy flows at risk, with approximately 17 million barrels of oil and significant LNG volumes passing through daily. The strait is essential for exports from Gulf nations including Kuwait, Iraq, Bahrain, and Saudi Arabia, while Qatar, Oman, and the UAE rely on it for LNG shipments. Although both Iran and Israel have, so far, refrained from targeting energy infrastructure directly, any attempt to obstruct this route could send oil prices soaring past $100 per barrel. Historically, the strait has remained open even during intense conflicts like the 1984 Tanker War, but recent Iranian actions—such as vessel seizures and support for proxy attacks—suggest a growing willingness to leverage maritime control. While a full blockade remains improbable, partial disruptions could be used to provoke international intervention and shift diplomatic dynamics. De-escalation, negotiation, and sanction prospects Diplomatic efforts are underway to de-escalate the Iran-Israel conflict, though Iran's weakened position complicates negotiations. Its traditional proxies—Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis -- have been largely neutralized since late 2024, reducing Tehran's regional influence. Sanctions targeting Iran's oil exports are expected to tighten, but enforcement remains a challenge, especially with China continuing to import roughly half of Iran's 1.5–1.6 million barrels per day. Previous sanctions on Iran, Russia, and Venezuela have shown limited effectiveness without broad international compliance. The key question is whether the US can persuade major buyers to reduce their reliance on Iranian crude without destabilising global supply. Global crude oil market scenario Beyond geopolitical risks, structural shifts in global oil demand are emerging. China's crude imports fell 3 per cent month-on-month in May, reflecting the impact of trade tensions and slowing economic activity. Indian demand has remained flat, offering little support to global consumption. On the supply side, Opec+ has resumed 1.38 million barrels per day of production from previously stored volumes, contributing to a surplus of 0.6–0.7 million barrels per day by the end of May. While the group remains optimistic about demand recovery in 2025–26, growth from non-OPEC producers like the US and Canada may decelerate, potentially balancing the market over time. US weekly crude inventories The latest data from the EIA indicates a substantial inventory drawdown of 11.47 million barrels, bringing stockpiles 10 per cent below their five-year average. Distillate inventories are even more depleted, sitting 16.7 per cent below seasonal norms. Despite these declines, US production remains steady at 13.43 million barrels per day, suggesting resilience in domestic output even as demand indicators soften. FOMC economic projection The Federal Reserve continues to maintain a hawkish stance, keeping the federal funds rate within the 4.25 per cent to 4.50 per cent range. Policymakers noted solid economic activity and a robust labor market, though inflation remains elevated. The Summary of Economic Projections (SOEP) shows a downward revision in GDP forecasts—1.4 per cent for 2025 and 1.6 per cent for 2026—while the long-run rate holds at 1.8 per cent. Unemployment projections have been raised slightly, and core PCE inflation expectations have increased to 3.1 per cent for 2025 and 2.4 per cent for 2026, reflecting persistent price pressures. Oil price outlook In the near term, crude oil prices are likely to remain supported by geopolitical uncertainty and tightening inventories. However, the broader outlook is less bullish. Global supply continues to outpace demand by 0.5–0.6 million barrels per day, with projections suggesting a surplus of up to 1 million barrels daily by the end of 2025. Unless demand rebounds or supply is curtailed, this imbalance could exert sustained downward pressure on prices, even as short-term risks keep volatility elevated. once the conflict find a diplomatic resolution we expect WTI prices to moderate towards $67 level.