Rubio urges Cambodia, Thailand to deescalate, offers US for talks
'The United States is prepared to facilitate future discussions in order to ensure peace and stability between Thailand and Cambodia,' the department said in statements on Sunday about separate calls with Thai Foreign Minister Maris Sangiampongsa and Cambodian Foreign Minister Prak Sokhonn.
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The Hindu
43 minutes ago
- The Hindu
Nationalist agendas fuelled the border fight between Thailand and Cambodia
On the morning of July 24, Thai and Cambodian troops clashed at multiple locations along their 800-km border. Following five days of fighting that resulted in 43 deaths (including civilians) and the displacement of more than 300,000 people, both sides arrived at a ceasefire that took effect on July 29. Mediated by ASEAN chair Malaysia, with help from China, and under the looming threat of U.S. tariffs, the truce appeared to largely hold despite claims of breach by both parties. After the agreement came Cambodia's call on July 31 for the release of its 20 soldiers detained for crossing into Thai-held territory after the truce. Bangkok has acceded, but only upon the fulfilment of legal procedures — proof that the peace deal, despite putting a temporary halt to the fighting, is a minor respite at best. For the roots of the conflict can be traced back to pre-colonial times; and with domestic politics, international scam centres and nationalism coming to the mix, multiple interests are at stake, complicating matters further. Rise of tensions Prior to the latest clashes was the May 28 incident in which a Cambodian soldier was killed. Tensions ran high, forcing the then-Thai Prime Minister, Paetongtarn Shinawatra, to ring up strongman and Cambodia's former Premier Hun Sen on June 15 to placate the situation. As a leaked version of their conversation showed, Ms. Paetongtarn, whose family shares close ties with the Cambodian leader, sounded deferential by referring to him as 'uncle' and labelling a Thai military General as 'opponent'. The ensuing fallout, which cost Ms. Paetongtarn her job, is widely believed to have been orchestrated by Mr. Hun Sen to deflect attention from the international cyberscam centres operating in his country. Apart from inviting global scrutiny, these scam offices are also alleged to be run by the Cambodian government's allies and possess links to China — Phnom Penh's biggest benefactor. Another incentive for Mr. Hun Sen to stir the pot is to whip up nationalist sentiments and boost the credentials of his son Hun Manet, sworn to office in 2024, 33 years after his father relinquished power. For Mr. Hun Sen — who once called Ms. Paetongtarn's father and former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra his 'god brother' — Thailand, with its delicate political landscape owing to the presence of the monarchy and the military, presents itself as a soft target. Separately, Mr. Hun Sen is also accused by his opponents of adopting a soft stance towards Vietnam, whose Army in 1979 overthrew the Khmer Rouge and installed the 72-year-old Cambodian People's Party in power. Also on Mr. Hun Sen's mind is the Thai government's proposed casino legalisation Bill, which may adversely impact Cambodia's gambling sector. Thus, bringing down the Shinawatras' Pheu Thai party is a one-stop solution to all his problems and seemed plausible too, given that, with Ms. Paetongtarn suspended from duty and Mr. Thaksin facinglese majestecharges for 'insulting the monarchy', the Shinawatras are already out of favour with the Thai citizens. Nationalist rhetoric However, nationalist rhetoric is not restricted to Cambodia alone but is an overarching sentiment in Thailand, too. A 2003 remark by a Thai actress, in which she said Cambodia had 'stolen' Angkor Wat and that she would not visit the country until the monument was returned, sparked anti-Thai riots. Taken in isolation, the statement may not carry much weight. But when placed in the larger context, it reflects the overall mood of a country, which, while priding itself as the only one in the region to be not subjected to Western colonisation, still perceives itself as a victim. This is because history has been equally unkind to both Cambodia and Thailand. Between the 7th century and the 14th century, the Khmer Empire ruled over a vast tract of the mainland in Southeast Asia. During its heyday in the 12th century, the Khmer empire comprised Cambodia as well as parts of present-day northeastern Thailand and southern Vietnam. The power structure was based on the Mandala system, which consisted of concentric circles of centre-peripheral relations. Weak territoriality and a loose central authority marked the setup, writes Path Kosal in a chapter in the book,Cambodia's Foreign Relations in Regional and Global Contexts. This ensured that Angkor kings were able to rule unchallenged over their allies and vassals who presided over the periphery independently. Trouble began to brew for the Khmer empire from the time of Angkor's fall in 1431. It faced threats from Siam (Thailand), which began conquering land from the northeast, and Annam (Vietnam) from the southeast; to the point that King Norodom turned Cambodia into a French protectorate in 1863 in the hope of security. While Cambodia's apprehensions of shrinking boundaries and constant threats have roots in pre-colonial times, Thailand's fears partially stem from the happenings that followed the establishment of the French protectorate. Though the multiple treaties signed between the French and Siamese in 1904 and 1907 serve as the bases for the present-day border between Cambodia and Thailand, many discrepancies exist to date; one of the prime examples being the tussle over the Preah Vihear temple — a 12th-century monument claimed by both countries. While the temple and a 1 sq. km area around it were ruled in Cambodia's favour by the International Court of Justice, a 4.6 sq. km patch near it is still contested territory. The verdict spurred a conflict between the two nations over the area in 2011, resulting in 28 casualties, including both military personnel and civilians. Preah Vihear is merely emblematic of the crisis. Similar temples, such as the Ta Moan Thom around which the latest shootout transpired, exist as bones of contention. The temples were built during the reign of the Khmer Empire. As is the case with empires, they rise and fall. And wars fought among the neighbouring kingdoms have seen the borders shift and temples change ownership. Like in many other conflicts, here too, the fire may have been lit during the time of conquests and colonialism. However, the nationalists and the ruling class of both countries – Cambodia has an authoritarian regime and Thailand's is a coup-prone establishment — have seen to it that the flames were fanned throughout history to suit them.
India Today
6 hours ago
- India Today
Trump eyes bringing Azerbaijan, Central Asian nations into Abraham Accords: Repot
President Donald Trump's administration is actively discussing with Azerbaijan the possibility of bringing that nation and some Central Asian allies into the Abraham Accords, hoping to deepen their existing ties with Israel, according to five sources with knowledge of the part of the Abraham Accords, inked in 2020 and 2021 during Trump's first term in office, four Muslim-majority countries agreed to normalise diplomatic relations with Israel after US and every country in Central Asia, by contrast, already have longstanding relations with Israel, meaning that an expansion of the accords to include them would largely be symbolic, focusing on strengthening ties in areas like trade and military cooperation, said the sources, who requested anonymity to discuss private conversations. Such an expansion would reflect Trump's openness to pacts that are less ambitious than his administration's goal to convince regional heavyweight Saudi Arabia to restore ties with Israel while war rages in kingdom has repeatedly said it would not recognise Israel without steps towards Israeli recognition of a Palestinian state. A soaring death toll in Gaza and starvation in the enclave due to blockage of aid and military operations by Israel have buoyed Arab fury, complicating efforts to add more Muslim-majority countries to the Abraham war in Gaza, where over 60,000 people including tens of thousands of women and children have died according to local health authorities, has provoked global anger. Canada, France and the United Kingdom have announced plans in recent days to recognise an independent key sticking point is Azerbaijan's conflict with its neighbour Armenia, since the Trump administration considers a peace deal between the two Caucasus nations as a precondition to join the Abraham Accords, three sources Trump officials have publicly floated several potential entrants into the accords, the talks centered on Azerbaijan are among the most structured and serious, the sources said. Two of the sources argued a deal could be reached within months or even special envoy for peace missions, Steve Witkoff, travelled to Azerbaijan's capital, Baku, in March to meet with Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev. Aryeh Lightstone, a key Witkoff aide, met Aliyev later in the spring in part to discuss the Abraham Accords, three of the sources part of the discussions, Azerbaijani officials have contacted officials in Central Asian nations, including in nearby Kazakhstan, to gauge their interest in a broader Abraham Accords expansion, those sources said. It was not clear which other countries in Central Asia - which includes Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan - were State Department, asked for comment, did not discuss specific countries, but said expanding the accords has been one of the key objectives of Trump. "We are working to get more countries to join," said a US Azerbaijani government declined to White House, the Israeli foreign ministry and the Kazakhstani embassy in Washington did not respond to requests for new accords would not modify the previous Abraham Accords deals signed by REMAINThe original Abraham Accords - inked between Israel and the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Morocco and Sudan - were centered on restoration of ties. The second round of expansion appears to be morphing into a broader mechanism designed to expand US and Israeli soft between Russia to the north and Iran to the south, Azerbaijan occupies a critical link in trade flows between Central Asia and the West. The Caucasus and Central Asia are also rich in natural resources, including oil and gas, prompting various major powers to compete for influence in the the accords to nations that already have diplomatic relations with Israel may also be a means of delivering symbolic wins to a president who is known to talk up even relatively small sources described the discussions involving Central Asia as embryonic - but the discussions with Azerbaijan as relatively challenges remain and there is no guarantee a deal will be reached, particularly with slow progress in talks between Armenia and two countries, which both won independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, have been at loggerheads since the late 1980s when Nagorno-Karabakh - an Azerbaijani region that had a mostly ethnic-Armenian population - broke away from Azerbaijan with support from 2023, Azerbaijan retook Karabakh, prompting about 100,000 ethnic Armenians to flee to Armenia. Both sides have since said they want to sign a treaty on a formal end to the Christian Armenia and the US have close ties, and the Trump administration is wary of taking action that could upset authorities in US officials, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Trump himself, have argued that a peace deal between those two nations is near."Armenia and Azerbaijan, we worked magic there," Trump told reporters earlier in July. "And it's pretty close."- EndsMust Watch
New Indian Express
6 hours ago
- New Indian Express
Why two Buddhist nations are fighting over a Hindu temple
A century-old dispute along the 817-km border between Cambodia and Thailand suddenly degenerated into a military conflict when the world's eyes were firmly on Gaza. The conflict jolted ASEAN, the regional association focused largely on economic issues. A shooting war over a dispute that includes the ownership of a 11thcentury Hindu temple—Preah Vihar, a Unesco heritage site perched on a hilltop overlooking the two Buddhist-majority countries—was unexpected. Direct talks between the Thai and Cambodian prime ministers, mediated by the Malaysian PM, have resulted in an unconditional ceasefire, though Thailand had earlier rejected third-party mediation. Cambodia alleged that Thailand had agreed to a Malaysian proposal but then backed off, possibly owing to pressure from the Thai military. The Thai foreign minister made the ceasefire conditional on Cambodia showing 'genuine sincerity in ending the conflict' and indicated his country was open to dialogue. The UN Security Council held an emergency meeting to discuss the situation; China and the US also offered to mediate. For Donald Trump, it was yet another opportunity to grandly announce that he had called upon both countries to accept a ceasefire and threatened to withhold trade deals if they didn't comply. He added slyly that he was reminded of his role in the India-Pakistan ceasefire. Trump seems desperate to shore up his peacemaking credentials that have been severely dented by his failure in Ukraine and Gaza despite threats and deadlines. In the short and sharp conflict, the two Asian militaries lobbed rockets and artillery shells into each other's territories claiming self-defence. Thailand deployed drones on Cambodia's military targets. Thailand, a non-Nato ally of the US, is better equipped with American weaponry; whereas Cambodia's smaller military is armed with old Chinese and Russian weaponry. An estimated 45 civilians and soldiers were killed and over 2 lakh inhabitants fled their villages near the border. It was the second skirmish in 3 months since a Cambodian soldier was shot dead after landmine explosions injured five Thai soldiers. Both countries recalled their ambassadors accused the other of 'war crimes'. Thailand blamed Cambodia for targeting villages, civilian establishments like a hospital and petrol stations, while Cambodia alleged that Thailand had used banned cluster bombs.
