
Buddhism's holiest site erupts in protests over Hindu ‘control' of shrine
Bodh Gaya, India — As he stood in a queue outside a makeshift tent kitchen for breakfast, 30-year-old Abhishek Bauddh could not help but reflect on the throngs of people around him in Bodh Gaya, Buddhism's holiest site.
Bauddh has been visiting the town in eastern India's Bihar state, where the Buddha gained enlightenment, since he was 15. 'But I have never seen such an atmosphere. Buddhists from all over the country are gathering here,' he said.
For once, they are not in Bodh Gaya only for a pilgrimage. They are part of a protest by Buddhists that has erupted across India in recent weeks over a demand that control of Bodh Gaya's Mahabodhi Temple, one of the faith's most sacred shrines, be handed over exclusively to the community.
Several Buddhist organisations have held rallies, from Ladakh bordering China in the north to the cities of Mumbai in the west and Mysuru in the south. Now, people are increasingly trooping to Bodh Gaya to join the main protest, said Akash Lama, general secretary of the All India Buddhist Forum (AIBF), the collective leading the campaign. India has an estimated 8.4 million Buddhist citizens, according to the country's last census in 2011.
For the last 76 years, the temple has been managed by an eight-member committee — four Hindus and four Buddhists — under the Bodh Gaya Temple Act, 1949, a Bihar state law.
But the protesters, including monks clad in saffron with loudspeakers and banners in their hands, are demanding a repeal of that Act and a complete handover of the temple to the Buddhists. They argue that in recent years, Hindu monks, enabled by the fact that the influence the community wields under the law, have increasingly been performing rituals that defy the spirit of Buddhism — and that other, more subtle forms of protest have failed.
The Bodh Gaya Math, the Hindu monastery that performs the rituals inside the complex, insists that it has played a central role in the upkeep of the shrine for centuries and that it has the law on its side.
The protesters point out that the Buddha was opposed to Vedic rituals. All religions in India 'take care and manage their own religious sites', said Bauddh, who travelled 540km (335 miles) from his home in the central state of Chhattisgarh to Bodh Gaya. 'So why are Hindus involved in the committee of a Buddhist religious place?'
Sitting down with his plate of hot rice with dal, he said, 'Buddhists have not received justice [so far], what should we do if we do not protest peacefully?'
Barely 2km (1.2 miles) away from the sacred fig tree in the Mahabodhi Temple complex where the Buddha is believed to have meditated, minibuses arrive on a dusty road from Patna, the capital of Bihar, carrying protesters from different parts of the country.
For some, who have regularly visited the shrine, the concern over Hindu rituals being performed at the temple complex is not new.
'From the very beginning, when we used to come here, we felt very disheartened to see rituals that Lord Buddha had forbidden being performed by people of other religions in this courtyard,' said 58-year-old Amogdarshini, who travelled from Vadodara in the western state of Gujarat to join the protests in Bodh Gaya.
In recent years, Buddhists have complained to local, state and national authorities about the Hindu rituals. In 2012, two monks filed a petition before the Supreme Court seeking a repeal of the 1949 law that gives Hindus a say in the running of the shrine. That case has not even been listed for a hearing, 13 years later. In recent months, the monks have again submitted memorandums to the state and central governments and have taken out rallies on the streets.
But things came to a head last month. On February 27, more than two dozen Buddhist monks sitting on a hunger strike for 14 days on the temple premises were removed at midnight by the state police, who forced them to relocate outside the temple.
'Are we terrorists? Why cannot we protest in the courtyard that belongs to us?' said Pragya Mitra Bodh, secretary of the National Confederation of Buddhists of India, who came from Jaipur in the western state of Rajasthan with 15 other protesters. 'This temple management act and committee setup taints our Buddhist identity and the Mahabodhi temple can never completely belong to us unless the act is repealed.'
Since then, the protests have intensified — some, like Amogdarshini, who had already spent a couple of weeks in Bodh Gaya in January, have now returned to join the protest.
Stanzin Suddho, a travel agent from Ladakh who is currently in Bodh Gaya, said the protests are being funded by devotees' contributions. 'We do not stay for long,' he said, adding that he came with 40 others. 'Once we go back, more people will join here.'
At the heart of the battle for the Mahabodhi Temple — a UNESCO World Heritage Site — is its long-contested legacy.
The temple was built by Emperor Ashoka, who visited Bodh Gaya in 260 BCE after embracing Buddhism, roughly 200 years after the Buddha's enlightenment.
It remained under Buddhist management for years until major political changes in the region in the 13th century, said Imtiaz Ahmed, professor of medieval history at Patna University. The invasion of India by Turko-Afghan general Bakhtiyar Khilji 'led to the eventual decline of Buddhism in the region', Ahmed said.
According to UNESCO, the shrine was largely abandoned between the 13th and 18th centuries, before the British began renovations.
But according to the shrine's website, a Hindu monk, Ghamandi Giri, turned up at the temple in 1590 and began living there. He started conducting rituals and established the Bodh Gaya Math, a Hindu monastery. Since then, the temple has been controlled by descendants of Giri.
In the late 19th century, visiting Sri Lankan and Japanese Buddhist monks founded the Maha Bodhi Society to lead a movement to reclaim the site.
In 1903, these efforts led the then-viceroy of India, Lord Curzon, to try to negotiate a deal between the Hindu and Buddhist sides, but he failed. Later on, both sides started mobilising political support and eventually, two years after India gained independence from British rule in 1947, Bihar's government pushed through the Bodh Gaya Temple Act. The law transferred the temple's management from the head of the Bodh Gaya Math to the eight-member committee, which is now headed by a ninth member, the district magistrate — the top bureaucrat in charge of the district.
But Buddhists allege that the Bodh Gaya Math — as the most influential institution on the ground — effectively controls the day-to-day functioning of the complex.
Swami Vivekananda Giri, the Hindu priest who currently looks after the Bodh Gaya Math, is unfazed by the protests, describing the agitations as 'politically motivated' — with an eye on Bihar's state legislature elections later this year.
'Our Math's teachings treat Lord Buddha as the ninth reincarnation of [Hindu] Lord Vishnu and we consider Buddhists our brothers,' Giri told Al Jazeera. 'For years, we have hosted Buddhist devotees, from other countries as well, and never disallowed them from praying on the premises.'
Giri says the Hindu side has been 'generous in allowing four seats to Buddhists in the management committee'.
'If you repeal the Act, then the temple will solely belong to the Hindu side because we owned it before the Act and the independence [of India],' Giri said, taking a dig at the protesters. 'When the Buddhists abandoned it after the invasion of Muslim rulers, we preserved and took care of the temple. Yet we never treated Buddhist visitors as 'others'.'
Back at the protest site, Akash Lama, who leads the demonstrations, suggested that the protesters have little hope that the federal government of the Hindu majoritarian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and the state government — in which the BJP is an alliance partner — will listen to their grievances.
'The rights of Buddhists are being gradually violated by using the Act. Buddhists have the right over the temple, so it should be handed over to the Buddhists,' he said. 'We have been disappointed in the government and the Supreme Court [for failing to hear the case].'
But Bauddh, the protester from Chhattisgarh, still has hope — not in the government, but in the people he sees around him. 'This unity makes our protest strong,' he said.
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Al Jazeera
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Al Jazeera
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‘Burst balloon': How Pahalgam attack shattered Modi's Kashmir narrative
New Delhi, India — Addressing a rally of supporters in September 2024, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi confidently asserted that his Hindu majoritarian Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would create a new Jammu and Kashmir, 'which would not only be terror-free but a heaven for tourists'. Seven months later, that promise lies in tatters. On April 22, an armed group killed 25 tourists and a local pony rider in the resort town of Pahalgam in Indian-administered Kashmir, setting off an escalatory spiral in tensions between India and Pakistan, which New Delhi accuses of links to the attackers – a charge Islamabad has denied. The armies of the two nuclear-armed neighbours have exchanged gunfire for three days in a row along their disputed border. India has suspended its participation in the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) that Pakistan counts on for its water security, and Islamabad has threatened to walk out of past peace deals. Both nations have also expelled each other's diplomats, military attaches and hundreds of civilians. But India is simultaneously waging a battle on territory it controls. In Indian-administered Kashmir, security forces are blasting the homes of families of suspected armed fighters. They have raided the homes of hundreds of suspected rebel supporters and arrested more than 1,500 Kashmiris since the Pahalgam killings, the deadliest attack on tourists in a quarter of a century. Yet, as Indian forces comb dense jungles and mountains to try to capture the attackers who are still free, international relations experts and Kashmir observers say the past week has revealed major chinks in Modi's Kashmir policy, which they say appears to be staring at a dead end. 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Thousands of civilians were arrested, including leaders of mainstream political parties – even those that view Kashmir as a part of India. Phone and internet connections were shut off for months. Kashmir was cut off from the rest of the world. Yet, the Modi government argued that the pain was temporary and needed to restore Kashmir to what multiple officials described as a state of 'normalcy'. Since then, the arrests of civilians, including journalists, have continued. Borders of electoral constituencies were changed in a manner that saw Jammu, the Hindu-majority part of Jammu and Kashmir, gain greater political influence than the Muslim-majority Kashmir valley. Non-Kashmiris have been issued residency cards – which was not allowed before 2019 – to settle there, sparking fears that the Modi government might be attempting to change the region's demography. And though the region held the first election to its provincial legislature in a decade in late 2024, the newly elected government of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has been denied many of the powers other regional governments enjoy – with New Delhi, instead, making key decisions. Amid all of that, the Modi government pushed tourism in Kashmir, pointing to a surge in visitors as evidence of the supposed normalcy that had returned to the return after four decades of armed resistance to Indian rule. In 2024, 3.5 million tourists visited Kashmir, comfortably the largest number in a decade, according to government figures. But long before the Pahalgam attack, in May 2024, Abdullah – now, the chief minister of the region, then an opposition leader – had cautioned against suggesting that tourism numbers were reflective of peace and stability in Kashmir. 'The situation [in Kashmir] is not normal and talk less about tourism being an indicator of normalcy; when they link normalcy with tourism, they put tourists in danger,' Abdullah said in May last year. 'You are making the tourists a target.' Al Jazeera reached out to Abdullah for a comment on the current crisis but has yet to receive a response. On April 22, that Modi government narrative that Abdullah had warned about was precisely what left the meadows of Pahalgam splattered in blood, said Praveen Donthi, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group. 'New Delhi and its security agencies started buying their own assessment of peace and stability, and they became complacent, assuming that the militants will never attack tourists,' he said. Until the Pahalgam attack, armed fighters had largely spared tourists in Kashmir, keeping in mind their importance to the region's economy, noted Donthi. 'But if pushed to the wall, all it takes is two men with guns to prove that Kashmir is not normal,' he said. On April 8, just two weeks before the attack, Indian Minister of Home Affairs Amit Shah, who is widely seen as Modi's deputy, was in Srinagar, Kashmir's largest city, to chair a security review meeting. Abdullah, the chief minister, was not a part of the meeting – the most recent instance where he has been kept out of security reviews. Analysts say this underscores that the Modi government views Kashmir's security challenges almost exclusively as an extension of its foreign policy tensions with Pakistan, not as an issue that might also need domestic input for New Delhi to tackle it successfully. India has long accused Pakistan of arming, training and financing the armed rebellion against its government in Indian-administered Kashmir. Pakistan claims it only offers moral and diplomatic support to the secessionist movement. The Pahalgam attack has shone a light on the folly of the Modi administration's approach, Donthi said. 'Projecting this as a security crisis that is being fuelled entirely by Pakistan can make it useful politically, domestically, but it's not going to help you resolve the conflict,' he said. 'Unless the Indian government starts engaging with the Kashmiris, there can never be a durable solution to this violence.' So far, though, there is little evidence that the Modi government is contemplating a shift in approach, which appears shaped 'to cater to domestic jingoism and hyper-nationalist rhetoric', Sheikh Showkat, a Kashmir-based political commentator, said. The focus since the Pahalgam attack has been to punish Pakistan. Since 1960, the IWT – the water-sharing agreement between India and Pakistan – survived three wars and has been widely hailed as an example of managing transnational waters. Under the treaty, both countries get water from three rivers each, from the Indus Basin: three eastern rivers – the Ravi, Beas and Sutlej – to India, while three western rivers – the Indus, Jhelum and Chenab – carry 80 percent of water to Pakistan. But the future of that pact is uncertain with India suspending its participation in the treaty after the Pahalgam attack. Pakistan has responded by warning that attempts to stop or divert water resources would amount to 'an act of war'. Islamabad has also warned that it might suspend its participation in all bilateral treaties, including the 1972 Simla Agreement, signed after their 1971 war, which in essence demarcates the Line of Control, the de-facto border, between them. 'Pakistan genuinely views this matter [the loss of water] in existential and even apocalyptic terms,' said Bose, the political scientist. 'India knows this – and it signals a policy of collective punishment towards Pakistan, which impacts tens of millions of people.' However, experts have raised several questions about India's and Pakistan's announcements. How can India practically stop water when it does not have the capacity to hold these powerful rivers? Can it divert water, risking flooding in its own territory? And if Pakistan walks away from the Simla Agreement, is it in effect signalling a state of war? 'All of these measures are juvenile, on both sides,' said Bose, but with 'concrete implications'. For its part, India has been seeking to renegotiate the IWT for several years, claiming that it does not get its fair share of the water. 'The recent Kashmir crisis gives [New] Delhi an opportunity, a pretext to pull the trigger on the treaty,' said Showkat, the Kashmiri-based commentator. Two days after the Pahalgam attack, Modi was touring Bihar, the eastern state due for elections later this year. Addressing an election rally, the prime minister said that he would chase the attackers 'to the end of the earth'. To Nilanjan Mukhopadhyay, a Modi biographer, such speeches are reflective of what he argues is the sole objective of Modi's Kashmir policy: 'maximising the core electoral constituency of the BJP in the rest of the country by being tough on Kashmir'. Since independence, the BJP's ideological parent, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, has viewed Kashmir as an unfinished project: The RSS for decades called for the region's special status to be scrapped, and for a firm security-driven approach to the Muslim-majority region. 'Now, the only thing is, 'We want revenge',' said Mukhopadhyay, referring to the jingoism that currently dominates in India. Since the attack, several Kashmiris have been beaten up across India, with landlords pushing out tenants and doctors turning away Muslim patients. Social media platforms are rife with inflammatory content targeting Muslims. The International Crisis Group's Donthi said that the Pahalgam attack, in some ways, serves as 'a shot in the arm' for Modi's government. While the security challenges in Kashmir and the crisis with Pakistan represent strategic and geopolitical tests, 'domestically, it is a great position for the Modi government to be in'. He said this was especially so with a weak opposition largely falling in line – the principal opposition Congress party has backed a muscular response to Pakistan for the attack. However, Bose, the political scientist, argues that the Modi government was not focused on short-term political calculations. Modi's comments in Bihar, and the largely unchecked hate against Kashmiris and Muslims spreading across Indian social platforms and on TV channels, were reflective of the BJP's broader worldview on Kashmir, he said. Kashmir is an ideological battle for Modi's party, he said, adding, 'This government is never going to change its Kashmir policy.'