logo
Texas sues New York official for refusing to take action against abortion provider

Texas sues New York official for refusing to take action against abortion provider

The Guardian7 days ago
Texas has sued a New York official for refusing to take action against an abortion provider, teeing up a state-versus-state battle that is widely expected to end up before the US supreme court.
Ken Paxton, Texas's attorney general, has petitioned the New York state supreme court to order a county clerk to enforce a fine against Dr Margaret Carpenter, a New York doctor accused of mailing abortion pills across state lines.
Paxton accused Carpenter last year of mailing abortion pills to a Texas woman in defiance of Texas's ban on virtually all abortions. After Carpenter failed to show up in a Texas court, a judge ordered her to pay more than $100,000 in penalties.
But the acting Ulster county clerk, Taylor Bruck, in New York has twice rejected Paxton's efforts to levy that fine. Under New York's 'shield law', state law enforcement officials are blocked from complying with out-of-state prosecutions against abortion providers who ship pills to patients, even if those patients are located outside New York state.
'No matter where they reside, pro-abortion extremists who send drugs designed to kill the unborn into Texas will face the full force of our state's pro-life laws,' Paxton, a Republican, said in a statement announcing Monday's filing.
Bruck, 34, said that he was just following New York state law.
'I'm just proud to live in a state that has something like the shield law here to protect our healthcare providers from out-of-state proceedings like this,' Bruck said. 'This has the potential of getting appealed up and up and up.'
Paxton's petition marks the latest escalation in the burgeoning clash between states that protect abortion rights and those that do not. In the three years since the supreme court overturned Roe v Wade, abortion opponents in red states have repeatedly tried to push for legislation and litigation that would curtail people's ability to cross state lines for abortions or to receive abortion pills in the mail. Meanwhile, blue states, including New York, have enacted an array of shield laws to preserve people's abortion access.
The US supreme court will probably be forced to step in to settle these debates between states, legal experts say.
'Ultimately, it's a states' rights argument,' Bruck said, adding that he remains 'still stunned by the whole thing'.
'It's not something I was really expecting, coming into this role,' Bruck said. 'It's really unprecedented for a clerk to be in this position.'
The best public interest journalism relies on first-hand accounts from people in the know.
If you have something to share on this subject you can contact us confidentially using the following methods.
Secure Messaging in the Guardian app
The Guardian app has a tool to send tips about stories. Messages are end to end encrypted and concealed within the routine activity that every Guardian mobile app performs. This prevents an observer from knowing that you are communicating with us at all, let alone what is being said.
If you don't already have the Guardian app, download it (iOS/Android) and go to the menu. Select 'Secure Messaging'.
SecureDrop, instant messengers, email, telephone and post
See our guide at theguardian.com/tips for alternative methods and the pros and cons of each.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Lawmakers are fighting over election maps — here's how it works and why it's bigger than Texas
Lawmakers are fighting over election maps — here's how it works and why it's bigger than Texas

The Independent

time29 minutes ago

  • The Independent

Lawmakers are fighting over election maps — here's how it works and why it's bigger than Texas

A brewing war in Texas over political boundaries that could reshape control of Congress is spilling out into other states, as Democratic lawmakers vow to ' fight fire with fire ' to combat what they see as a wave of voter suppression efforts ordered by Donald Trump. The battle surrounds the redistricting process, in which state legislatures and other officials take a look at once-a-decade census results to redraw congressional districts to balance the changing population. But in Texas, Republican lawmakers — under the direction of the president and Governor Greg Abbott — are taking the rare step of drawing a new map in the middle of the decade, only a few years after the last redistricting cycle, in the hopes of picking up more Republican seats in the House of Representatives in 2026. Trump is hoping Republicans in other states do the same, as the GOP's slim majority in Congress braces for voter blowback in next year's midterm elections in response to the president's volatile second-term agenda. Democrats — who have accused Republicans of illegally diluting the voting strength of Black and Latino voters — are planning to retaliate, triggering a race to reshape the electoral map by the time Americans cast their ballots in 2026. What are Republicans proposing in Texas? Republicans proposed new boundaries so that several congressional districts held by Democrats could potentially flip, while two other competitive districts have a better chance of electing Republicans. On August 1, the Texas House redistricting committee held the only public hearing on the proposal. Republicans voted it out of committee the next morning on a party-line vote, setting up a quick vote in the full state House of Representatives, which Republicans control. Democratic members of the state House left Texas to break a quorum, derailing Republican plans to vote on the new map during the governor's 30-day special legislative session. Texas Democrats similarly fled the state in 2021 in opposition to Abbott's package of election-related legislation that critics say is undermining voting rights. Is gerrymandering illegal? GOP lawmakers were explicit that the new map was designed to improve 'political performance,' an act of political or partisan gerrymandering — in which a controlling party carves out maps to 'pack' likely opponents into a few districts, or 'cracks' them across multiple districts, thereby diluting their voting power. In other words: Gerrymandering gives politicians a chance to choose their voters, rather than the other way around. Gene Wu, the state's Democratic caucus chair, said the GOP has put forward a 'racist, gerrymandered map' that 'seeks to use racial lines to divide hard-working communities that have spent decades building up their power and strengthening their voices.' Abbott has done so 'in submission of Donald Trump, so Donald Trump can steal these communities' power and voice,' according to Wu. Federal courts have generally blocked the creation of congressional districts that 'crack' or 'pack' communities of color to dilute their voting strength. But the Supreme Court, after a series of rulings that have gradually chipped away at guardrails in the Voting Rights Act, has opened the door for states to move ahead with partisan-fuelled gerrymandering. A landmark Supreme Court decision in 2019 ruled that gerrymandering for party advantage cannot be challenged in federal court. What about racial gerrymandering? Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act adds teeth to constitutional protections against racial barriers to the right to vote, and ensures that voting districts are drawn fairly to prevent racially discriminatory boundaries that dilute, or exclude, minority communities. The law prohibits the 'denial or abridgement of the right of any citizen of the United States to vote on account of race or color,' giving voters a key tool to file legal challenges against discriminatory maps and voting rules. But in 2013, the Supreme Court gutted a key provision of the law by striking down federal 'preclearance' guidelines that required states with histories of racial discrimination from implementing new elections laws without first receiving federal approval. In a 2023 case from Alabama, the Supreme Court found that congressional districts drawn by the state's Republican-led legislature had likely violated the Voting Rights Act by diluting the strength of Black residents. The high court's decision effectively ordered lawmakers to go back to the drawing board and rewrite the state's congressional district map, finding that that previous one violates the Voting Rights Act. That map 'packed' most of the state's Black residents, who make up more than a quarter of the state's population, into one single congressional district out of seven. The Supreme Court will return to the issue of racial gerrymandering this year in a case stemming from constitutional challenges to Louisiana's congressional maps. That decision — from a court that constitutional scholars and election law experts see as hostile to the future of the Voting Rights Act —could have profound, far-reaching impacts for race-based redistricting. What are other states doing? Democrats in Congress repeatedly tried, and failed, to renew the Voting Rights Act during Joe Biden's administration, which warned that Republican threats to the right to vote posed an existential threat to democracy. That legislation proposed independent redistricting commissions — made up of equal numbers of Democrats, Republicans and independents — in an effort to end partisan and racial gerrymandering. That bill was defeated by Senate Republicans, who blocked a vote on the measure. But, as California Governor Gavin Newsom said, 'things have changed, facts have changed, so we must change.' His own state's redistricting efforts are in 'response to the existential realities that we're now facing,' according to Newsom. The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee has called on Democratic state legislatures to 'pursue redistricting mid-cycle,' but Democrats don't hold 'enough legislative majorities to win an all-out, state-by-state battle.' Republican state legislatures oversee 55 Democratic congressional seats. Democratic state legislative majorities, meanwhile, oversee only 35 GOP districts. 'All options must be on the table — including Democratic state legislatures using their power to fight back and pursue redistricting mid-cycle in order to protect our democracy,' committee president Heather Williams said in a statement. Democratic leaders in California, Illinois and New York — states that collectively have 95 seats in the House of Representatives — are laying the groundwork to redraw their states' maps in the hopes of sending more Democrats to Congress. But several states may have to rewrite laws or amend their state constitutions to move ahead on those places, adding more hurdles in a battle in which the GOP has an upper hand. Democratic National Committee chair Ken Martin said Democrats are 'bringing a knife to a knife fight, and we're going to fight fire with fire.' Trump and Republicans are 'running scared' over fears they will lose a GOP majority in Congress and are hoping to gerrymander, 'lie, cheat, and steal their way to victory,' Martin said August 5. 'All's fair in love and war,' New York Governor Kathy Hochul said on August 4 as she signaled efforts to draw up new maps in her state 'as soon as possible.' 'This is a war. We are at war,' she added. 'And that's why the gloves are off, and I say, 'Bring it on.''

A wasteland of rubble, dust and graves: how Gaza looks from the sky
A wasteland of rubble, dust and graves: how Gaza looks from the sky

The Guardian

time29 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

A wasteland of rubble, dust and graves: how Gaza looks from the sky

Seen from the air, Gaza looks like the ruins of an ancient civilisation, brought to light after centuries of darkness. A patchwork of concrete shapes and shattered walls, neighbourhoods scattered with craters, rubble and roads that lead nowhere. The remnants of cities wiped out. But here, there has been no natural disaster and no slow passage of time. Gaza was a bustling, living place until less than two years ago, for all the challenges its residents endured even then. Its markets were crowded, its streets were full of children. That Gaza is gone— not buried under volcanic ash, not erased by history, but razed by an Israeli military campaign that has left behind a place that looks like the aftermath of an apocalypse. Members of Jordan's military stand among pallets of aid about to be dropped on Gaza. The Guardian was granted permission on Tuesday to travel onboard a Jordanian military aircraft after Israel announced last week that it had resumed coordinated humanitarian airdrops over Gaza, following mounting international pressure over severe shortages of food and medical supplies, which has reached such a crisis point that a famine is now unfolding there. The flight offered not only a chance to witness three tonnes of aid – far from being enough – dropped over the famine-stricken strip but also a rare opportunity to observe, albeit from above, a territory that has been largely sealed off from the international media since 7 October and the subsequent offensive launched by Israel. Following the Hamas-led attacks that day, Israel barred foreign journalists from entering Gaza – an unprecedented move in the history of modern conflict, marking one of the rare moments that reporters have been denied access to an active war zone. Gaza Strip from the aid plane; view of northern Gaza; the distortion in the last picture is due to the heat emitted by the aircraft engines. Even from an altitude of about 2,000ft (600 metres), it was possible to glimpse places that mark some of the conflict's most devastating chapters – a landscape etched with the scars of its deadliest attacks. These are the sites of bombings and sieges that have been courageously documented by Palestinian journalists – often at the cost of their own lives. More than 230 Palestinian reporters lie buried beneath in hastily dug cemeteries. Airdrops released from the plane. About an hour and a half after takeoff, the plane flies over the ruins of northern Gaza and Gaza City, now a wasteland of crumbling concrete and dust. Buildings are reduced to rubble, roadways pitted with craters, entire neighbourhoods flattened. From this distance it is nearly impossible to see Gaza's inhabitants. Only through a nearly-400mm camera lens is it possible to make out a small group of people standing among the ruins of a shattered landscape – the only sign of life in a place that appears otherwise uninhabitable. As the aircraft approaches the Nuseirat refugee camp, the rear hatch opens and pallets of aid slide out, parachutes blooming behind as they fall toward the ground. 'With today's airdrops, the Jordan Armed Forces-Arab Army has now conducted 140 airdrop operations, in addition to 293 in cooperation with other countries, delivering 325 tonnes of aid to Gaza since the resumption of airdrops on 27 July,' a note from the Jordanian military reads. Yet such quantities are nowhere close to being enough. Hunger, humanitarian agencies warn, is spreading rapidly through the territory. While airdrops can create the perception that at least something is being done, they are, by common consensus, costly, inefficient and do not get anywhere near to the amount of aid that could be delivered by lorries. In the first 21 months of war, 104 days of airdrops supplied the equivalent of just four days of food for Gaza, Israeli data shows. They can also be deadly; at least 12 people drowned last year trying to recover food that landed in the sea, and at least five were killed when pallets fell on them. Further south, the plane passes over Deir al-Balah, one of the hardest-hit areas in Gaza. There, in the al-Baraka area below, on 22 May, 11-year-old Yaqeen Hammad, known as Gaza's youngest social media influencer, was killed after a series of heavy Israeli airstrikes hit her house while she watered flowers in a tiny patch of greenery eked out of a displacement camp. Pallets parachute down after being dropped from a military plane over Nuseirat. A couple of kilometres further, the aircraft flies near Khan Younis, besieged for months by Israeli forces amid fierce fighting in and around its hospitals. Somewhere in the northern suburbs are the remains of the home of Dr Alaa al-Najjar, a Palestinian paediatrician who worked at al-Tahrir hospital, part of the Nasser medical complex. Her house was bombed in May while she was on shift. Her husband and nine of her 10 children were killed in the attack. From the skies, it is striking just how small Gaza is – a sliver of land that has become the stage for one of the world's bloodiest conflicts. The territory is more than four times smaller than Greater London. In this tiny corner of the Middle East, more than 60,000 people are estimated to have been killed in Israeli strikes. According to health authorities, hundreds more remain buried under the rubble. A few hundred metres beneath us, the Guardian reporter Malak A Tantesh, a journalist and a survivor, works on one of her dispatches. Most of her fellow Guardian reporters, editors and other colleagues are yet to meet Tantesh, due to the Israeli blockade that makes it impossible for Gaza's people to leave. She has been displaced multiple times, lives without reliable access to food or water, and has lost relatives, friends and her home in the fighting. It is a strange and haunting feeling to receive a message from her as the Jordanian aircraft flies above her. As our aircraft turns back toward Jordan, a soldier onboard points toward the hazy horizon to the south. 'That's Rafah down there,' he says. Gaza's southernmost area, Rafah is a region now largely destroyed, where hundreds have died in the scramble for food since the Israeli- and US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation took over food deliveries in May. Just a few kilometres to the east, amid crater-pocked hills, lies the site where, on 23 March, an Israeli military unit struck a convoy of Palestinian emergency vehicles, killing 15 medics and rescue workers who were later buried in a mass grave. After touching down at Jordan's King Abdullah II airbase in Ghabawi, the same question seems to linger among the handful of reporters who boarded the flight: when will we see Gaza again? And after seeing this desert of shattered stones and graves, what more can be destroyed when so much has already been lost? Palestinians rush to collect humanitarian aid airdropped by the United Arab Emirates into Deir al-Balah.

Houseplant clinic: why is my mistletoe cactus turning brown?
Houseplant clinic: why is my mistletoe cactus turning brown?

The Guardian

time37 minutes ago

  • The Guardian

Houseplant clinic: why is my mistletoe cactus turning brown?

What's the problem? My mistletoe cactus (Rhipsalis) thrived for more than five years, but recently started to brown, with strands falling off. I repotted it into a slightly larger pot with no drainage holes and a layer of gravel at the bottom, but it continues to decline despite weekly watering. How can I save my plant? Diagnosis Your mistletoe cactus probably isn't getting sufficient hydration. Cautious watering can lead to soil that is superficially damp but remains dry at a deeper level. This often manifests as browning stems, shrivelling and segments dropping off as the plant becomes stressed due to a lack of moisture at the roots. Prescription Repot into a pot with drainage holes, or use a nursery pot inside the decorative pot. Use compost specifically designed for succulents or cacti. After repotting, give it a thorough watering until water flows from the drainage holes. Then, let it dry out somewhat between waterings, typically every one to two weeks. Mistletoe cacti thrive on consistent moisture but detest waterlogged conditions, so good drainage is essential. Prevention Ensure that pots used for succulents and cacti have sufficient drainage holes. Regularly checking soil moisture by touching the soil a few centimetres down helps you accurately judge watering needs. Got a plant dilemma? Email saturday@ with 'Houseplant clinic' in the subject line

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store