Kamal Haasan meets PM Modi, seeks support for recognition of Keeladi's antiquity
In the pictures, Haasan was seen presenting a souvenir from the Keeladi archaeological findings to PM Modi, which many in Tamil Nadu believe reaffirms the antiquity of Tamil civilisation. The Archaeological Survey of India has so far withheld formal recognition of the Keeladi excavations and their findings, citing the need for further scientific validation.
Actor Kamal Haasan met Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday. (Credit: X/ikamalhaasan)
The Keeladi excavations near Sivaganga district in Tamil Nadu have unearthed compelling evidence of an advanced Tamil settlement dating back to the 6th Century BCE, suggesting early urbanisation, literacy, and the use of iron tools.Haasan, who has been navigating between his film and political career, was elected unopposed to the Rajya Sabha in June 2025. The actor's political journey took a new turn after his party Makkal Needhi Maiam formally joined the DMK-led alliance in Tamil Nadu.Haasan took his oath in Rajya Sabha on July 25, 2025. His actor daughter, Shruti, had also accompanied him to New Delhi and even dedicated a heartfelt note to her father.As far as his film career is concerned, Haasan will next be seen in 'Indian 3' (2025).- EndsMust Watch
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
Hindustan Times
6 minutes ago
- Hindustan Times
India plans tariff response to US over steel, aluminium levy
India may slap tariff countermeasures on select American commodities, a retaliation to Washington's move to impose a steep 50% duty in June on steel, aluminium and their derivatives from India, people aware of the matter have said. India plans tariff response to US over steel, aluminium levy To be sure, the levies on steel and aluminium have played out as a parallel trade dispute at the World Trade Organization, but its timing would make it the first Indian retaliation since Trump's July 31 announcement of the 25% tariff on all Indian goods entering the US when trade talks failed to reach a breakthrough and his subsequent penalties over Russian oil purchases announced on August 6. According to people aware of the matter, India has prepared legal grounds for the retaliatory action on steel and aluminium under World Trade Organization rules after the US rejected New Delhi's request for consultations over what India considers WTO-non-compliant safeguard measures disguised as national security actions. 'Washington is unwilling to address New Delhi's concerns through talks, which leaves India with little option other than to retaliate,' one person said. The steel and aluminium dispute dates back to February when the Trump administration imposed 25% tariffs on the metals, later doubling them to 50% in June. New Delhi intimated the WTO about the dispute and India's rights to take proportionate action on May 9 after at least $7.6 billion worth of Indian exports to the US were affected by the duties. 'The US is unjustly acting against India's economic interests even as the two countries are negotiating a bilateral trade agreement. India reserves the right to respond to unilateral and unreasonable actions of the US,' a second person said, adding that the beginning of the retaliation could be made with a 'proportional response to the US imposition of 50% tariff on Indian steel, aluminium and their derivatives'. America exports over $45 billion worth of merchandise to the Indian market, while India – prior to the Trump administration's wide variety of tariffs –exported $86 billion worth merchandise to US. How this balance changes is uncertain. Between February — when President Trump and Prime Minister Narendra Modi resolved to expand bilateral trade to $500 billion and launch comprehensive trade negotiations — and the last two weeks, when Trump announced Indian exports will be slapped with 50% levy from August 28, the journey has been turbulent. The trade talks stalled, primarily over US seeking unfettered market access to economically sensitive sectors that New Delhi steadfastly refused, before appearing to be beset by the controversy around Russian oil purchases. 'These unilateral, unjustified and unreasonable actions of the Trump administration raise doubt about its intent to have a fair, balanced and mutually beneficial bilateral trade agreement,' another person said. The escalating tariffs have effectively undermined bilateral trade negotiations, with India arguing that arm-twisting tactics make fair negotiations impossible. According to one of the people cited above, what has affected the retaliation calculus was Trump's comments on Thursday, when he rejected stepping up trade negotiations with India. 'No, not until we get it resolved,' the president said at the Oval Office when asked about increased trade talks. The broader trade relationship includes America's $13.62 billion in energy exports to India in 2024-25, plus significant trade in electronics, chemicals, and other goods, highlighting the scale of economic interdependence between the two countries. The US also maintains a services trade surplus with India of $102 million in 2024, with total bilateral services trade reaching $83.4 billion. US services exports to India totalled $41.8 billion, up 15.9% from 2023, while imports reached $41.6 billion, up 15.4%.
Time of India
an hour ago
- Time of India
Bengaluru to turn fortress for Prime Minister Modi's visit on August 10
Bengaluru: A day before the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, security has been tightened in the city, turning it into a fortress. More than 50 checkpoints were installed at different places across the city Saturday, particularly near Jayanagar and JP Nagar, where Modi will inaugurate the Yellow Line at Ragigudda Metro station Sunday. "Precautionary measures like installing check posts and police patrolling will continue till the end of Independence Day celebrations next week," a senior police officer said. Around 10,000 police personnel, led by commissioner Seemanth Kumar Singh, his four joint commissioners, over 15 deputy commissioners, 50 assistant commissioners, 200 inspectors, 650 sub-inspectors, over 1,000 assistant sub-inspectors, and others will monitor the Yellow Line inauguration Sunday, police said. In addition, platoons of Karnataka State Reserve Police (KSRP) and City Armed Reserve (CAR) will join the local police force. You Can Also Check: Bengaluru AQI | Weather in Bengaluru | Bank Holidays in Bengaluru | Public Holidays in Bengaluru On Saturday, senior officers, including the police chief, visited Ragigudda station to oversee the arrangements. A convoy of police vehicles, ambulances and other emergency vehicles like fire tenders were deployed in and around the station. Additionally, police were patrolling the roads where Modi will travel to reach the venue after landing at HAL Airport. by Taboola by Taboola Sponsored Links Sponsored Links Promoted Links Promoted Links You May Like 25 Best Cities for Living Undo "Traffic will be restricted from 8.30am to noon on Marenahalli Main Road between Rajalakshmi Junction and Marenahalli 18th Main Road, and from Silk Board to Hosur via Electronics City flyover and Hosur Road from 9.30am to 2.30pm," a senior police officer said. E-City flyover closed from 9am to 2pm Traffic will be restricted on NICE Road in Electronics City direction from different tolls, from 10am to 2pm. All vehicles will be diverted to Bannerghatta Road at Bannerghatta Road-NICE toll. Electronics City flyover will be closed from 9am to 2pm, police said. Traffic Restrictions - Vehicles from Bannerghatta Road NICE toll to Electronics City toll - Kanakapura Road NICE toll to Electronics City toll - Nayandahalli NICE toll to Electronics City toll - Sompura NICE toll to Electronics City toll - PES College NICE toll to Electronics City toll - Kengeri NICE toll to Electronics City toll - Magadi Road NICE toll to Electronics City toll - Madavara Road NICE toll to Electronics City toll - Vehicles going towards Electronics City toll from Parle Biscuits Factory Road Source: Traffic police Stay updated with the latest local news from your city on Times of India (TOI). Check upcoming bank holidays , public holidays , and current gold rates and silver prices in your area. Get the latest lifestyle updates on Times of India, along with Raksha Bandhan wishes , messages and quotes !
India Today
2 hours ago
- India Today
Modi's farmer firewall: The subtext of India's trade standoff with US
When Prime Minister Narendra Modi stood on stage at the National Conference on Agriculture in New Delhi on August 7, the political atmosphere was already thick with tension. Only a day earlier, US president Donald Trump had stunned observers by announcing a fresh 25 per cent tariff on a range of Indian exports—pharmaceuticals, auto components, steel—hours after US representative Ricky Gill left the capital following the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) meeting. It was an unmistakable escalation in a relationship that has seen friction bubble beneath the surface for in his response, didn't mince words. 'India will never compromise on the wellbeing of its farmers, dairy workers and fishermen,' he declared, adding pointedly, 'Even if I have to pay a personal price, I'm ready for it.' For domestic audiences, it was a reaffirmation of a longstanding nationalist plank. For Washington, it was a warning shot—one that underscored just how far apart the two democracies remain on a comprehensive trade agreement, especially on Modi government has long positioned rural India at the heart of its political and economic strategy. This isn't just about votes—it's about livelihoods, cultural values and the perceived threat of foreign encroachment on food sovereignty. And no sector illustrates this divergence with the US more acutely than over a decade, US trade negotiators have pushed for deeper market access into India's massive but highly protected farm economy. The most contentious demands have revolved around dairy, poultry and genetically modified (GM) crops. American agribusiness giants see India—a country of over 1.4 billion people—as a high-potential growth market for surplus US farm produce. But India has resisted what it sees as a backdoor entry for products that violate religious norms and food safety standards or could destabilise millions of small farmers. The dairy dispute is a classic example. India mandates that any imported dairy must come from cattle not fed bovine-derived blood meal—a restriction rooted in Hindu dietary beliefs. US dairy producers view this as an unscientific non-tariff barrier. Likewise, India maintains high tariffs on poultry imports, particularly frozen chicken legs—a commodity where the US is globally competitive. Though India lost a WTO (World Trade Organization) dispute over its earlier ban on US poultry (citing avian flu risks) in 2015, its domestic poultry industry and small-scale producers continue to oppose any significant market opening, fearing a flood of cheap imports that could devastate local GM crops, the fault lines are even deeper. India has approved GM cotton but consistently resisted introducing GM food crops into the consumer market, citing bio-safety and farmer dependence on proprietary seed technology. US-based lobby groups had been pushing India to open up for GM variants of mustard, brinjal, rice, etc. Incidentally, most of these are indigenous crops and face resistance from farmer lobbies in India. Trade lobbyists also argue that the acceptance of GM variants in human consumption crops would mean shutting the doors of importers in matter is tangled in legal complexities, with Supreme Court judges Justices B.V. Nagarathna and Sanjay Karol, in July last year, pronouncing a split verdict on the validity of the Centre's 2022 decision granting conditional approval for environmental release of GM mustard crops. The matter is now listed to be heard by a bigger US is one of the world's largest GM crop exporters and sees India's caution as a form of protectionism. Washington has demanded streamlined regulatory approval processes and wider acceptance of agricultural biotechnology—demands that remain political landmines in India's polarised discourse around food, science and sovereignty. 'The resistance to GM crops is linked to the food security of the country, retaining the rights and control of the crop for the farmers. This should not be lost at any cost,' says Ashwani Mahajan, national co-convenor, Swadeshi Jagran Manch (SJM), an RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh) affiliate working in the economic groups such as the Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, along with Bharatiya Kisan Sangh, anchored by SJM, have been vehemently opposing the opening up of the farm sector, including for GM crops. Layered onto these specific disputes are broader philosophical differences on the nature of farm support US frequently challenges India's minimum support price (MSP) mechanism—particularly its generous procurement and stockholding policies—as trade-distorting under WTO norms. But for India, the MSP regime is a non-negotiable pillar of its food security architecture. It guarantees a floor price to farmers and ensures buffer stocks for the government's massive food distribution schemes, which benefit hundreds of millions of low-income the BTA (bilateral trade agreement) discussions, India's red lines on agriculture were being pushed in return for no significant concessions by the US,' says Pradeep Mehta, founder secretary general of CUTS, a leading think-tank focused on trade negotiations. 'It is all 'take' and no 'give'—and that is not the template for a balanced negotiation.'After the massive farmers' protests of 2020-21, which forced the Narendra Modi government to repeal three controversial farm laws, any move seen as undermining MSPs would be political suicide. As Modi himself hinted in his speech, the 'personal price' of protecting farmers is one he is prepared to pay—a statement that may resonate with rural voters but effectively freezes any room for agricultural concessions in Indo-US trade the Trump administration, this hard line is frustrating. His return to office has revived the 'America First' playbook, and India's tight controls on agri-trade are once again being framed as 'unfair'. Trump views trade not as a long-term strategic alignment but as a scoreboard of economic wins and losses. His doctrine of 'reciprocity' demands that if American goods face high tariffs or non-tariff barriers, equivalent measures should be imposed in return. Under this rubric, India's continued duties on US wine, almonds, apples and processed foods are now back under the Trump administration has already started reviewing India's access to the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP)—a duty-free benefits programme India lost during Trump's earlier term. India has quietly lobbied for its reinstatement, arguing that its removal hurt small and medium exporters. But Trump's current team appears even more combative, signalling that no such restoration will come unless India makes concrete concessions on agricultural market access, digital trade and tariff impasse is not limited to bilateral channels. The divide also plays out at the multilateral level, especially at the WTO, where India often leads the Global South resistance to reforms pushed by the US and EU. The most prominent of these disagreements is over food subsidies. The US wants tighter rules, more transparency, and stricter caps on what it sees as trade-distorting backed by countries like Indonesia and South Africa, argues that food security concerns in developing nations must take precedence. Modi's government, in particular, has projected India as a champion of Global South concerns—something that puts it on a collision course with US trade orthodoxy.'I am absolutely confident that PM Modi will not compromise on issues related to farmers, dairy and agriculture,' says Suresh Prabhu, former Union commerce minister. 'As commerce and industry minister in the first Modi government, taking care of these was our guiding principle while dealing with all countries, WTO and trade negotiations. We deployed several tools to protect these critical, vital national interests.'During Prabhu's time, New Delhi had resisted US pressure on reaching the deal at WTO's controversial Agreement on Agriculture, which would have pushed India to phase out the MSP mechanism and limit buffer stocks. India had used this stalemate to resist other conversations, such as building rules of e-commerce, thus further frustrating Washington. It all added to the friction, which has now come to a head. Trump's tariff escalation announcement is widely viewed in New Delhi as a retaliatory strike—not just against the stalemate in trade talks but also against India's growing strategic independence. Ironically, this escalation came just after India had hosted the IMEC convening, which included representatives from the US, EU, Saudi Arabia and the UAE. For India, IMEC is perhaps its most ambitious diplomatic balancing act yet—linking the country to western infrastructure partnerships while maintaining its non-aligned voice in BRICS and the Global South. That balancing act now appears under unpredictability only sharpens this tension. While Modi has built a working relationship with multiple US presidents—from Barack Obama to Joe Biden—Trump's transactional style and tendency to announce major policy moves via press statements or social media make quiet diplomacy increasingly difficult. Indian negotiators are wary of investing political capital in deals that could be upended result is a chilling effect. Even as India and the US continue to engage in high-level dialogues on defence, semiconductors, AI and space collaboration, the trade portfolio remains conspicuously frozen. While the US commerce secretary and India's trade minister have reiterated their commitment to resolving differences, there is no roadmap or timeline for a free trade agreement (FTA)—a deal once seen as the crown jewel of Indo-US ties.'There is first a need to build domestic consensus on agricultural reforms and create buy-in at home. Domestic ownership of agri reforms needs to be the foundation for any potential agricultural trade liberalisation. No other path is politically viable,' recommends the Modi government, this freeze may be a calculated choice. Instead of conceding to Washington, India is looking elsewhere. Trade agreements with the EU and Australia have moved forward, and bilateral investments with the UAE and Saudi Arabia are on the rise. India is also spearheading alternative payment systems, like Unified Payments Interface (UPI) linkages and rupee-dirham trade, to insulate itself from currency weaponisation and future economic the bigger message lies in Modi's August 7 speech. It was not just about agricultural policy. It was a declaration that India will chart its economic future on its own terms—even if that means losing trade benefits or enduring tariff pressure. The personal tone he adopted—acknowledging the political cost—signals that India's strategic autonomy is no longer a theoretical concept. It is the guiding principle of its economic US may still be India's most important partner in defence and technology, but on trade, the fault lines are growing too visible to ignore. Whether those lines can be bridged through backchannel diplomacy or will become permanent fractures will define the next phase of this complex, high-stakes relationship. For now, the signal from New Delhi is clear: India's farmers, and the politics they anchor, will not be sacrificed at the altar of a fast-tracked trade to India Today Magazine- EndsTune InMust Watch
